INDOCRACY: A FRAMEWORK OF STATECRAFT

[The above captioned write-up was published in late 2025 in a special edition (Vol 25) captioned: "India Beyond 75: Reflections on Our Nation's Journey" of Think India journal of Vichar Vinyas Foundation. Vichar Vinyas was set up by late Shri D P Trpathi, former MP and a highly popular former President of JNUSU. The foundation and the journal are now being run by late Sh DPT's son Kanishka Tripathi. I have added a prologue.]

PROLOGUE (Apr 24, 2026)

My Tryst With Indocracy or Bharat Tantra

I have explained the concept of Indocracy or Bharat Tantra on multiple platforms including this very blog. It was in late 1980s when I first conceptualized the idea of Indocracy as an advanced version of democratic governance that could be more effective and sustainable in the Indian context. My understanding of the world was fairly limited at that point of time, notwithstanding nearly a decade long involvement in student politics, which had offered me more than normal exposures for my age and context. This was especially in terms of interactions with fellow university students and youth across the country, eminent national leaders and intellectuals and sections of masses, besides exposure to some complex situations.

    It was an era when internet did not exist. Marxism dominated political discourse on elite University campuses in India and beyond.  The so-called liberals defended open society, free speech, fair competition and freedom for enterprise and innovation. Yet they sounded hypocritical. The existing governance system appeared extremely inefficient and even oppressive. The existing ruling dispensation and the so-called liberal mainstream political class, especially in India, were perceived, by most of the youth, as largely inefficient or corrupt. However, this was not to deny presence of many credible intellectuals and ethical leaders among them. The primary anguish and frustration of youth and even masses appeared directed against this shade of politics and politicians. They were never in a position to walk the high ideals that they talked.

    By late 1980s, weaknesses of Marxism as an ideology had also been comprehensively exposed. Warsaw Pact countries had started overthrowing communist dictatorships. By crushing freedom and innovation, this form of political system had generated enormous hardship for its people. Communist China had rapidly moved towards market economy and free enterprise and yet massacred tens of thousands of its own youth in Tiananmen square in 1989. This was considered an outcome of contradiction where its economic liberalisation had not been backed by corresponding political liberalisation. The long history of dissensions among Marxist or leftist intellectuals had been well publicized much before the collapse of even Soviet-Russia in 1991.    

    Simultaneously, the Western model of representative democracy, despite all its strengths, appeared increasingly incapable of meeting legitimate aspirations of people in the entire developing world. These democracies have had their own share of challenges even in their own part of the world. It is also doubtful if they could have built their phenomenal public infrastructure and so-called liberal regime without the foundation provided by the wealth extracted from erstwhile colonies. 

The so-called free thinkers and scores of utopian ideologies, relying upon innate goodness of human soul, appeared largely confused. So were the then Hindu right wingers driven by the yearnings to resurrect pre-Islamic social-political-economic order of the subcontinent, not realizing that it was weakness of this very order that had induced the downfall of formidably prosperous and tranquil India. In any case, we cannot travel back in history. A dynamic society must aim at moving forward. 

    This was also the time when the liberal Islamists were glorifying Mughal rule in India, as a potential model for transition, over its so-called composite culture, forgetting that Turks, Mamluks and Mughals invaders had not visited India with any missionary or altruistic goal to uplift this region. They were essentially rootless mercenaries with little expertise in governance, especially of an established and prosperous state with long civilizational roots. They did attempt to impose their own way of life. It was pure security gap and failure of indigenous systems that they could step in and control large parts of this subcontinent for a significant time. Some among them were pragmatic and humane enough to give up their brutal discriminatory practices against the locals and coopted sections of Hindu elite more for stability and security of their own regime. Besides, poor statecraft of Mamluk-Mughal rule had paved the way for the worst ever economic depredation and plunder in human history that had reduced India from probably the richest region in the world to the most impoverished and highly de-industrialized one by the time the British left. 

Simultaneously, in late 1980s, Islamic hardliners were on upsurge. Militancy in Punjab had yet entirely subsided but radicalism and terrorism had been brewing quite intensely in Kashmir and fairly significantly in rest of the country. Tablighi movement had gained momentum alongside radical under currents almost throughout the country. Some may have only been teaching only the Islamic rituals and correct prayer methods but there were others who were rationalising Muslim involvement or domination of organised crime on grounds of their different identity and Muslims being rulers and owners of this country at one point of time.  Many mosques were peddling hard line Islamist propaganda, and it was believed that there was external funding for the same. As per media reports, mosques were mushrooming throughout the length and breadth of the country but mostly in critical bordering areas from UP, Bihar, Bengal and whole of North-East to some of the relatively richer states like Gujrat, Maharashtra and even Kerala and TN. Indian state appeared either a moot spectator or an active abettor. A section of incumbents of the state was suspected to be actively collaborating in the process. Hardline Islamist youth/students, in their closed-door meetings, which were very common not only in JNU but probably most major universities, were peddling the idea of Islamisation of whole of the Indian subcontinent. 

    It was in these contexts that, in course of abstract thinking, which was refined by intense discussion with my politically and ideologically well- informed friends and teachers, that I coined the word Indocracy as a universally appealing humanist and yet indigenous framework of governance and statecraft. The idea could be developed to create a comprehensive architecture of statecraft or blueprint for institutional restructuring. But I had to quit student politics and ideology building, defying my mentors and friends in politics to join civil service. I had realised that the point from which I was seeking to enter politics at that point of time, I could do little more than tactically helping people in a system that was largely dysfunctional. This was certain to disrupt my intellectual evolution. I have written on this very blog that I had the audacity to ask the then Prime Minister of India that why can't we build a system where every functionary of state from peon to Prime Minister did their own work reducing the need and space for interventions by higher authorities. 

I wanted to acquire a real perspective on governance and statecraft. I had told my mentors and friends, many of whom are still alive, that independent India needed administrators with deep understanding of science of statecraft and not agitators who could disrupt governance and the process of nation-building. The only practical real-life expertise that most of my kind had built after joining student politics at that point of time was to organise strike and close down something that was already established and running. I was probably ahead of the most in intricacies of this science. 

My professional and intellectual journey in a very specialized wing of civil service offered me a huge perspective even though it was not entirely focused, unilinear and smooth. Besides, I could not exit civil service in time as I had planned due to a variety of factors, including difficult health conditions that I developed during prolonged illness arising out of serious sleep deprivations, among others on account of intense interest/commitment to my work that it was difficult for me to restrain myself. Failure of timely detection and absence of access to medical assistance permanently impaired my health. Simultaneously, I also faced energised targeting and persecution over my most nameless and selfless contributions to not only security of my own country but sanctity of democratic institutions and security of civilians wherever there was an opportunity. This is something that enraged powerful opaque forces within and outside the country. Yet it did not dampen my spirit and I continued experimenting ideas and even writing and researching whenever there was an opportunity.  

    My thesis during National Defence College programme was captioned: "Integrated Institutional Framework of Governance: A Bedrock of National Security". This paper tried to offer, howsoever sketchy, a perspective on integrated architecture of high-quality institutions to govern state and transform society. It had argued that a simultaneous transformation of institutions of state and larger societal ambience was critical for building a sturdy and sustainable foundation for a robust and impregnable national security architecture. 

Earlier, I had written a series of papers that offered practical guides on issues like fighting insurgency, terrorism, subversion as well as strategies towards optimizing quality and output of institutions. This very blog has a nearly 70 write ups of various sizes on different dimensions of national security, governance and geopolitics. 

Yet my biggest work of nearly 250,000 words on Indocracy was wiped out from my computer in a malicious cyber-attack in late 2019. Later in 2021, global media had disclosed that military grade cyber-weapon Pegasus on me. I am fully aware of the identity of people responsible for the same and causes of incapacity of compulsion of Indian state or its institutions to act against them. Yet, I had lost interest in re-writing and completing this idea of Indocracy. Alongside, I have been seriously distracted by such covert and stealth harassment that makes me feel survival in this world itself as a huge luxury. A lot of my time and energy has been consumed in a court battle over the last eight years, where I have challenged the criminal fraud and forgery and multiple other forms of covert harassments, including obstruction of my visibility on public platforms to multiple covert forms of intimidation and harassments only over integrity and all-round passion for better democratic institutions. This can only dent master perpetrators of global organised crime. I have also prayed even for security and protection from cyber-attacks in my court battel. But justice and dignity in this country appears an expensive luxury and probably monopoly of a few. Yet I must thank Kanishka for motivating and persuading me to produce this piece at least in the form of a long article. I hope some younger practitioner scholar gets into the depth of these ideas and further refines and elaborates these. 

(The Article as published in 2025 in Think India, with minor edits)

INDOCRACY: A Framework of Statecraft 

Section-I : Statecraft 

The Science That Creates and Sustains Great States

 Great states and great societies derive their strength from their ability to throw up powerful ideas and powerful leaders with greater regularity. This does not happen by chance. It needs careful investments to nurture an entire ecosystem, which should consist of scientific edifice of institutions and corresponding social, political and strategic ethos, values and practices. 

2.    Vigour and resilience of such an ecosystem emanate from the quality of equilibrium that these institutions and values forge with each other as well as the larger external environment. Higher the quality of this equilibrium, where individuals and institutions and their underlying values, ethos and practices empower each other, stretching their respective capacities and strengths, greater is the possibility of comprehensive and sustained advancement of societies and states. 

 3. Pursuit and practice of such deeper wisdom through concrete instruments and practices, that become increasingly superior over time, can be described as science of statecraft. This is an all-encompassing and overarching set of scientific principles and practices of governance of all facets of society and state that seek to optimise strengths of both state and society with an optimal synergy between the two. Occupation of a territory or sheer subjugation of a society through force is no statecraft. It erodes not merely long-term strengths of society but also eventually weakens security of political system and advancement of an entire civilisation, by crippling vigour, vitality and resilience of its people. 

4. A good statecraft is also not about wishful thinking, unachievable ideals or subjective assessment of internal and external situations and deployment of deficient instruments to address goals, challenges and priorities. It needs far more realistic assessment of not only existing internal and external contexts but also realistic assessment and anticipation of evolving and futuristic situations. It calls for determination of concrete and achievable goals in every context and deployment of pragmatic and effective instruments to successfully pursue these. There can be no universal prescription in statecraft even if the larger objectives remain common. 

5. There have been huge variations in what has been practiced as statecraft by major states in different contexts. Each may attribute superiority to their own principles and practices but proof of the same lay in the impact of these on plight of their people and wider evolutionary course of human race. 

6. Science of statecraft has to be dynamic and must evolve with time. Minor setbacks are part of the process of evolution. But big failures are simply unaffordable and unabsorbable in this realm for any major power. Decline and disintegration of a major power impacts not only its own people but that of so many smaller states and societies, whose security and wellbeing depends upon such large state. But a great state and a great civilisation with robust principles of statecraft can never be annihilated, decimated or colonised by any external force and yet it would enhance quality of human existence beyond national frontiers and geographical barriers. This is especially if it invests in sustaining and evolving the science of statecraft with right institutional infrastructure and conducive ecosystem. 

7. Indocracy has been envisioned as the highest form of statecraft by fusing the wisest principles of governance of society and state- including warfare, geopolitics and diplomacy- that were once practiced in whole of Indo Asia at one level and the scientific advances in wisdom in this realm in the Western democratic world over the past few centuries. It envisions generation of a wider ecosystem where powerful ideas as well as high quality doers, leaders and innovators germinate and thrive. The entire process should help reshape values, ethos and ambience within states and societies by creating effective and sustainable institutional structures and processes in each context that can continuously optimise energies, capacities and output of individuals, societies and states and quality of synergy among them. 

8. State craft in India was described as “Raj Dharma” or the obligation of the sovereign. Though our history too has distorted and there may be lot of misgivings about the roots of this concept. Yet it appears that under overarching protection, support and encouragement provided by “Raj Dharma”, all other “Dharmas” or legitimate pursuits, ventures and obligations of people- that empowered individual and society in conjunction with nature or cosmos- thrived. There is reference of this science in various ancient Indian texts, but more scientifically in Kautilyan Arthashastra as a science of statecraft. Though India as a state and civilisation has faced enormous degeneration from pinnacle of material and intellectual advancement in its context and yet has demonstrated exceptional resilience probably due to strength of some of its civilizational values. Nevertheless, our survival as a distinct civilisation and state must be no consolation. Erosion of wisdom of this science and our ability to effectively practice the same is an unmistakable reality which needs to be remedied.

9. Today, there is much greater need to study, examine and evaluate the factors, or failures of statecraft, that brought about decay and downfall of India. Simultaneously, we must attempt resurrection of this science with a more contemporary, scientific and futuristic orientation. A mere assertion of glorious past of India and efforts to reinforce symbolic social and cultural rituals, alongside tactical management of day to day affairs of the state may not be able to bring back the golden era of distant past or help us resurrect those extraordinary principles and practices of statecraft that had scripted exceptional rise of India as a state and civilisation. Though whole of Indian subcontinent or Indo-Asia may never have followed uniform principles of statecraft on a continuous basis as there were vast expanses of lands and people who had stayed outside the realm of civilisation. Yet the dominant practices of state and society in major civilizational zones often represented the most humanist shade of statecraft in its context. This is what explains sustained expansion of cultural and civilisational footprints of India way beyond this subcontinent. The resultant rise in social tranquillity, social trust and scientific temper had driven technological and economic advancement in whole of Indo-Asia expanding from current day Afghanistan to most of South East Asia. While India needs to resurrect those essentially humanist goals of statecraft, it is not possible without a scientific exploration of effective and scientific instruments that are likely be more effective in the current context. This requires far more exceptional brilliance and innovation than what is required in day today governance.

A dynamic Science That Must Evolve With Time

10. Nothing has ever been perfect in this universe. And nothing is likely to become so even in future. Yet there is a unique symphony like harmony among different components of nature that sustains life on this planet. It is human energy, enterprise and innovation of a high order that has driven all progress. Investment of high-quality sagacious ideas, energies and innovation have potential to multiply the quality of this symphony, and its internal harmony, to limitless potentials. This has to be a continuous process without any end. While innovations in various streams multiply wisdom and impact lives, it is the science of statecraft that is expected to ensure larger stability of a national, regional, global order. The principles of continuous innovation and advancements in every stream of human knowledge must apply to the science and practices of statecraft as well. Nothing perfect has ever existed and nothing perfect may emerge even in the future and yet huge progress can be achieved. An attempt to evolve this science has to be driven by these very principles. A degree of setbacks, failures, challenges, conflicts and even turmoil are bedrock for innovation and advancement. These are opportunities as long these remain short of catastrophic disasters. And a strong science of statecraft can always avert disasters or mitigate their impact. All great societies and states have evolved and advanced by negotiating through increasingly higher quality of challenges as well as opportunities in their evolutionary journey. The quality of their progress and evolution has been directly proportional to the quality of space that they create for excellence, innovation, collaboration and competition for their members. Where efforts and initiatives of people increasingly get better and yet optimally, not necessarily completely, supplement each other to the highest possible extent in each context. A momentum in this process shall enhance the quality of evolutionary journey of a society and state. This is likely to push quality of evolutionary journey of other societies and people also who come in its contact. 

11. Comprehensive and sustained advancement of states, societies civilisations require much deeper wisdom, planning and coordination. A closer examination of some of the greatest civilisations of the past or evolution of the idea and instruments of democracy in the west, rise and fall of communism among Soviet block of nations following their stagnation and degeneration, and challenges faced by most democracies amidst resurgence of China, suggest that vibrant societies and robust states need a higher degree of internal cohesion, trust and culture of collaboration. Yet they also need a culture of fairer and regulated competition, alongside enlightened dissidence. This has been the bedrock of all innovations. In absence of high degree of social trust and cohesion, alongside a relatively equitable access to opportunities for a larger number of people in each context, a culture of fairer competition is simply neither possible nor sustainable. Similarly, a healthy internal equilibrium within states and societies requires a conducive external environment as well. The latter is something that great states do not always inherit or receive on their own. Hence the highest principles of statecraft warrant not merely effective management of external environment but strategic shaping and reshaping of the same to foster a sustainable and mutually empowering equilibrium between the home state and external environment. 

12. War is the ultimate and the last instrument in this direction. But war may not always be effective and yet it can never be sufficient. There will be circumstances where shall become necessary and unavoidable. Hence, a great state must stay prepared to fight war and keep practicing and honing its war winning skills and capacities. However, war is a massive and complex science with multiple dimensions and shades, which needs be dealt with separately. A great state has to take it seriously, because any major folly or failure in this sphere can generate catastrophic disasters that generations shall fail to undo. Yet there are multiple other instruments short of war that can be effective on their own and need to be developed and deployed alongside war-waging and war-winning capacities.

13. Objective of war cannot be a sports like victory for fun. A victory in war that fails in influencing and shaping the larger external ecosystem, or deterring or denting a threat, or consumes energies of a state beyond a sustainable level, may generate consequences that may not be too different from defeat. 

Practice of Statecraft: Need for Deep Wisdom, Exceptional Commitment and the Highest Level of Individual Integrity 

14. While accidental convergence of great leaders and great ideas have also triggered developments in the past that have built their own momentum, it always takes extra ordinary vision, sagacity and perseverance, at least on part of a few, to sow seeds whose fruition propels and sustains continued ascendance of states and societies. Managing, influencing, shaping behaviour and situations at a wide and extensive levels calls for fusion of available deeper wisdom in all dimensions of human endeavours, besides the highest possible levels of commitment, individual integrity and psychological strength. This may appear a thankless job for a normal human being. Even ability to acquire deeper wisdom, which is far more strategic, compared to information and knowledge, may not be sufficient. Simultaneously, ability to selflessly and passionately pursue, refine and apply this wisdom shall emanate from exceptional strength of character and deeper commitment. Even if certain actions that may appear morally indefensible, it may be unavoidable under certain circumstances to protect a larger entity. These actions must not be driven by any personal agenda or private profiteering. Yet these need to be carefully vetted and their efficacy for larger good has to be ensured before these are applied. Many of these may be difficult to explain and justify to masses as most of the latter may not possess sheer understanding of such issues that require access to highly complex wisdom. Hence, their secrecy may be necessary. This is what makes Statecraft a secret science of practitioners. Its details are neither sufficiently known in the public nor can even be fathomed by non-practitioners. It is difficult to visualise challenges, constraints and opportunities in this sphere unless one has been deeply involved in the same at least to some degree. I have always argued that theoretical knowledge is insufficient for an effective practice of this science that requires a little unique neural circuitry that must possess capacity for fast and dispassionate analysis and yet mental strength, calm and resolve to opt for the best course of action. This capacity can be developed only through practice but wide academic and intellectual exposures, in right direction. Appropriate mental training is critical for comprehending even its fundamentals and optimising one's own capacities. More one practices this science with sincerity and commitment, more one evolves. Real life situations and the world itself are laboratories for testing, refining and perfecting ideas in this realm. Hence, an evolved practitioner in the science of statecraft is a combination of scholar, warrior and sage, albeit of a different shade. Every action that appears ethically indefensible has to be driven by considerations of larger good of society, state and even humanity. To ensure that liberty to deviate from certain norms is not reduced into personal license, a certain degree of checks must be kept on every practitioner of statecraft varying from rulers or top leaders to their close associates. Great states are expected to build a strong pool of practitioners of statecraft on a continuous basis to ensure permanent security and stability of their state and civilization. Any evolved extra-ordinary scholar or practitioner of statecraft who represents a rare convergence of attributes like sharp mind, accumulated wisdom, moral courage, psychological strength, exceptional commitment to one's state and civilisation and total incorruptibility or selflessness is a rare but necessary asset. This is especially so in post-colonial societies where subjugation over centuries have genetically altered neural circuitry of a vast majority of population to create self-seeking opportunists and survivalists out of them. There are multiple examples of such breed being attacked by adversaries to destroy their intellectual, cerebral and all-round capacities or render these irrelevant or even grab these. Clandestine killing of military and intelligence leaders may be driven by the objectives of demoralising the targeted states and their troops.  But it also deprives of the targeted state of the continued access to wisdom and stewardship of such leaders, who play a crucial role. We have heard about clandestine or open assassination of high-end scientists but there may be many instances of similar covert attacks even on innovators in the realm of security and statecraft, which may never surface in media.    

 15. Statecraft is not always about what to do but it also about what not to do. It has to be driven by deep understanding of mass psychology at one level and exceptional psychological strength where a strong state can never afford panic reaction. Very often, some of the smartest statesmen have been criticized over not acting in certain situations. It may be a form of tactical retreat. When and how to do certain things in the realm of statecraft is one of the most complex components of the larger science. This is what makes this science as something that is way beyond governance and administration by rules and laws. The latter requires higher level of consistency and minimal deviation. But in the realm of statecraft, consistency, uniformity and predictability are more likely to be counterproductive. At times it may be more desirable to let natural dynamics of events take their own course but in multiple others, state intervention requires deeper calibration and subtle preparatory measures to enhance both the efficacy and acceptability of the intervention. Similar calibration may be required on choice of instruments and quality of intervention. This cannot be invented every time and statesmen, or statecraft practitioners, are certain to fail if they start from scratch.  

16. Hence, wisdom accumulated over generations play extremely important role in efficacy and progressive evolution of this science. But pre-existing principles and experiences may only be a broad reference point and not necessarily the principal key to solving complex challenges, most of which may be unique in multiple ways despite sharing similarities with others. Hence, the best assets of this science are leaders who have evolved through rigorous practice in multiple facets of statecraft to acquire a deeper wisdom and yet retain an open mind. The practitioners of statecraft need a neural circuitry and psychological conditioning that has to be different from the normal citizens. This is what enables them assess and anticipate unexpected and even difficult situations and yet deal with these with utmost dispassion, perceptivity, integrity and courage and that to at minimal human and material costs with minimal collateral damage. 

17. Great states must select practitioners of statecraft through a much more rigorous process and make them undergo sustained conditioning. Capacities and wisdom in this direction get refined only with deeper and wider exposure to challenging ventures, including minor failures and bigger success. Further, unless one is prepared to risk one’s everything, including their lives, one can never delve deep in this science. Most states, including great powers, have never practiced this science in its purest form throughout their history. Many great powers have degenerated and decayed due to their inability to evolve this science with passage of time. It needs continuity and evolution. Stagnation more often leads to degeneration. Errors, lapses, miscalculation and collateral damages, are part of the process of evolution. But if these exceed a certain threshold level, not only degeneration and decay but even collapse of great powers become unavoidable. 

 State-Society Synergy

18. Security, including warfare, and governance, of both state and society, have always shared a symbiotic relationship with each other. A delicate equilibrium between the two is always dynamic. A setback, decay and degeneration in either sphere is certain to invite setback or degeneration in the other as well. Similarly, excellence and innovation in one sphere have potential to drive the capacity in the other as well. The details in this direction may vary, depending upon wider internal and external realities, but the underlying principle remains eternal. 

19. Most major technological innovations of 20th century first surfaced in military domain and yet it helped transform societies, improving plight of people. From nuclear energy to maritime capacities to advances in space and rocket science to super computers and quantum computing or semiconductors and artificial intelligence to virtually every major innovation has dual use. Integration of military, economics and technology has never appeared as obvious as in the current era. Stronger military capacity of the United States throughout 20th century has been sustained by its unparalleled economic, technological, industrial and innovation prowess. Somewhat comparable was the strength of United Kingdom in pre-second world war era. Soviet Russia emerged a military power following the second world war largely on strength of its industrial and economic prowess. But economic and technological stagnation, on account of governance constraints, has made its military power unsustainable. Despite retaining all nuclear capacities, current Russia remains only a pale shadow of what it was. Its inability to evolve and practice a dynamic science of statecraft alone is responsible for the same.    

20. During the current era, China has integrated its economic, military, technological and governance prowess to an extent that notwithstanding all the accumulated advantages of the United States, it has emerged as a credible rival posing serious threat to global hegemony of the latter. For example, China has surpassed the United States in the total number of naval vessels in the sea. A spectacular increase in the civilian ship building capacity alone has sustained, accelerated and multiplied China's capacity to manufacture and innovate increasingly superior quality of Naval Vessels. But China’s rise in civilian shipbuilding industry has been driven by exceptional surge in Chinese domination of the global trade and commerce where China has emerged as the largest manufacturer and seller of goods and buyer of commodities. I am not offering data and table as the same are available in plenty on the web. Massive surplus generated by Chinese global commerce helps in investment in R&D pushing the frontiers of technological innovation, which helps drive innovation and capacity in both civilian and defence manufacturing capacities. 

21. Chia’s success in this direction emanates purely from its governance and institutional reforms driven by deeper wisdom. The details in this direction are far too complex, requiring more in-depth deliberations, yet it would be sufficed to conclude that the Chinese model of statecraft may not be perfect but that this point of time it has achieved far higher levels of success in transforming overall strengths of its state and society than any other model. Optimisation of strength of society for a strong state is so important that all contemporary theories of national security from 20th century onwards have been emphasising upon quality of human resource as the foundation of national security. We do not know with certainty if advancement of technology and large-scale introduction of AI can replace most of the human work force irrelevant. But till now major powers have prioritised physical and psychological health of citizenry along with focus on cognitive capacities and technical skills as long-term strategic ingredients for optimising all round economic, military, technological and institutional power of a state. A healthy, skilled and ethical workforce is critical for optimising tangible and intangible strengths of a state. 

22. But in absence of societal cohesion, and overall security of society, advancement of wisdom in governance of state and society, collective capacities of the work force cannot be harnessed towards optimising national security. Simultaneously, in absence of conducive societal ecosystem, coercive capacities may be insufficient to ensure effective pursuit of goals both in the realm of governance and security. This applies to virtually every sphere varying from health and education of citizenry, social trust and social cohesion, including containment of crime, integrity of societal and state institutions or curb on corruption or generation of gainful employment or even optimal security of society as a whole. Hence, sagacity of statecraft warrants deeper and yet tactful regulation of society through various direct and indirect means, involving both open and discreet collaboration with the relevant stakeholders like community, corporate and spiritual leaders.

23. While military prowess is simply not sustainable in absence of strong economic, industrial and technological capacity and a wider culture of innovation, standalone military victories are still proof of relatively sounder principles of statecraft over the vanquished only if they are comparable or bigger powers. Military victory over a much smaller power, at an exorbitant human and material cost, is no indicator of sound military strategy or robust statecraft. Similarly, routine governance of economy and society, even if these have led to spectacular prosperity and optimal social cohesion are no guarantor of security of a state and society. Many advanced and prosperous states have perished by overlooking existing and impending internal contradictions or external geopolitical, security and strategic challenges, or military threats and even ignoring economic, diplomatic and otherwise opportunities. Similarly, many robust military powers have landed up depleting, disintegrating and eventually decimating their own societies and people either through reckless and avoidable wars or poor strategies of warfare. On the other hand, many prosperous states and advanced civilisations have periled by neglecting the science of security and warfare. No great state and civilisation can afford to stay militarily unprepared even if there is no immediate and impending threat. There cannot be a better example in this direction than that of pre-Islamic India that neglected innovation in its war-waging capacities and geopolitical foresight. Though there are multiple other examples, but Indians need to dispassionately introspect that why a formidable civilisation and a string of robust states on the subcontinent succumbed to marauding bands of raiders, invaders and plunderers. The latter may have been adept in the art and science of irregular or guerrilla warfare through stealth, deception and access to few technological innovations. But that is no justification for capitulation of an advanced state and civilisation like what the India was in pre-Islamic era. 

24. As a major force or great civilisation, India needed strong geopolitical heft to influence course of events way beyond its frontiers and even faraway lands to prevent wars from approaching its territory. A great power can neither afford an inward-looking approach nor can it afford to be consumed by challenges of internal security and stability. While wars are important for security, sustenance and progress of any great state and civilisation, in absence of right synergy among different components of statecraft, over emphasis on war wreaks havoc for all concerned. History has witnessed many powerful states with strong military capacities destroying not only their rivals but also friends and allies, before eventually depleting their own economic, societal and intellectual capacities below the threshold level of sustainability. The most warring states or valorous people from ancient Spartans to medieval Mongols, could never leave behind a healthy and prosperous state or civilization. They had won many spectacular military victories, in multiple wars that were often too brutal and violent in their context. But they never looked at in terms of sufficiently investing in society, cultural and civilization, which form a crucial component of a state. A good statecraft harmonises all dimensions of life for continuity, stability and sustained advancement of a people. Focus and priorities keep changing depending upon the context.    

Winning Wars: An Integral Component of Statecraft 

25. Military defeats and external occupation substantially change course of history and decimate societies and states and even psyche of their people comprehensively. This profoundly alters evolutionary trajectory and even direction of states, societies and civilisations. Many civilisational states have lost even their identity and experienced serious alteration in values and ethos, that had kept them together over time, as a consequence of major military defeat. Big military defeat alters strategic culture of state where states lose its sense of self belief and society experiences broader change in larger behavioural pattern of people. People in general lose faith in ability and credibility of their leaders and their systems both and their larger self- esteem. 

26. Though we do not have adequate scientific data, but it would be clear that the phenomenon of, what psychologists describe, neuroplasticity must be inducing long-term anatomical changes over generations in DNA of people of vanquished states and societies to create a substantially defensive and somewhat defeatist or survivalist psyche, where larger culture of individual integrity may become increasingly, but not universally, unsustainable. Alternatively, a strong leadership if it succeeds, can reverse the course of events quite significantly. War also has a strong unifying impact at least on substantial sections of society. It is also an opportunity to bring the best out of people of a major state and society, if it escaped total annihilation and decimation. This proposition is profoundly perceptible if we analyse course of history of major civilisations. Detailed examples are being avoided for sake of focus. 

27. I have articulated principles and theories of war on quite a few occasions both in my talks and papers, some of which are in public domain, over the last 7-8 years. A major military debacle is symptom of a much larger underlying problem with the principles and strategies of statecraft including warfare. Hence, a minor setback suffered in war should be treated as a feedback and opportunity to fix larger issues. A strong scientific culture of statecraft shall always lead to avoidance of avoidable wars and when wars become inevitable then victory in wars at sustainable human and material costs. In fact, a robust state with a culture of an advanced science of statecraft decides and initiate a war, or deploys instruments, to win it at its own timing and choice. Capacities far bigger than tactical or even strategic intelligence may be required in this direction. While conventional and spectacular full-scale military wars invite all round disasters, a short, swift and decisive war - at minimal human and material costs is always a smart war. A major power is expected to retain capacity to anticipate and assess impending disasters and deal with the same at minimal human material costs. A spectacular war with valorous human sacrifices is indicator of inherent strengths of a state. But for a large state, this is indicator of poor strategy of warfare.   

28. I have identified and articulated five principles of war: 

(i) A victory in war must achieve a clear tangible objective; 

(ii) A war should be short, swift and decisive, especially in the current integrated, inter-connected and inter-dependent world (It implies that there has to be extensive and smart military and intelligence preparations to ensure early victory in war so that there is minimal disruption in life and larger all-round progression of state and society); 

(iii) A military war must always be fought on foreign territory (the very fact that an adversary has succeeded in bringing the war on home state, it reflects failure of statecraft, including governance, strategy and intelligence; A war on home territory of state invites large scale damages of civilian and even military infrastructure that can never be undone) 

(iv) A war must be won at such material and human costs that must be sustainable for the state waging the war; (a poorly fought war, where victories are secured at exorbitant and unsustainable costs, may also lead to consequences that may be comparable to defeat); and 

(v) A war must foster social and national cohesion of the home state and create opportunities for economic, military and technological innovations and advancements.

29. Hence, the science of statecraft has to focus on building not only the finest possible strategies and capacities of warfare but also ways and means to avoid, to the highest possible extent, catastrophic wars that can potentially deplete a state. Wars and conflicts shall never ever become completely avoidable because neither the world nor the human nature is designed for the same. At times wars have to be fought and a smart state has to stay prepared to fight all kinds of wars that are possible and likely. The key is to fight these wars at minimal and sustainable costs and consistently build finest possible capacities and strategies in this direction in course of routine governance. Simultaneously, it is equally important to anticipate different shades of warfare that are plausible at a given time and context and staying prepared with finest strategies and capacities as per right priorities. A sound principle of statecraft enables fusion of such war winning capacities with larger principles and practices of regulation and governance of state and society. But can this capacity of war winning be acquired and gradually refined by simply academic reading or journalist commentaries? I would say absolute No.

30. While there is no justification for war, a great state must regularly fight low cost and high-impact smaller wars—for greater good of larger number of people. This is the biggest laboratory for practical experiment of powerful ideas, strategies and instruments in the direction of war winning as well as long term health of a state and society. These, in the context of states and societies, require continuity and evolution over generations. An impregnable defence for the core area of the state and its key institutions is critical for the same. Similarly, far more effort, integrity and commitment is required to protect and refine this science of statecraft and warfare. A smarter science of statecraft pursues optimal fusion, with detailed complexities, in the science of governance and warfare. Capacities both in the sphere of governance and warfare must supplement each other. 

31. In recent decades, nuclear deterrence has significantly minimised, but not eradicated, incidences of large-scale conventional wars. But the same period has witnessed a sharp rise in incidence of irregular and sub conventional grey zone wars or proxy wars or even subversion where a state uses secrecy, deception, stealth and corruption—either on its own of through its clandestine or known affiliates- to take over key institution of an adversary. It cripples and neuters not only overall economic development and technological innovation but also key advancement in critical areas. My concept paper on irregular warfare—though lacks any details or secret information—has been read by thousands of experts globally. This only reinforces the belief that nature of whole dimension of warfare has been evolving. Its description can no longer be restricted to what is traditionally known. The desired objectives of warfare can be achieved by secret and non-military instruments whose details and practices can again more discreet, subtle and difficult to detect. Ironically in this form of warfare, key institutions and their incumbents can be deployed to harm security and all-round advancement of any state. Open societies are particularly more vulnerable to this. This form of warfare has particularly targeted high-end scientists, top military and security leaders and innovators, potential statesmen or existing and potential leaders and innovators in any sphere of security, warfare and high-end technology. 

32. A larger ecosystem of corruption and poor integrity of institutions, especially the criminal justice system, in a state provides perfect ecosystem for external forces to wage this form of warfare. Ironically not only states but even none-state entities are involved in subversion that has a war-like consequences in the long run. At times principal perpetrators of such subversive warfare like activities in certain sectors or certain contexts are not external forces but domestic entities. Hence, integrity and dynamism of domestic institutions of governance becomes critical for defensive dimension of this warfare. But in absence of commitment of key stakeholders of society to foster integrity of domestic institutions alongside suitable and sustainable capacities to shape external ecosystem, it is simply not possible to fight this war effectively. 

Great States and Great Civilisations Must Expand

33. From the above flows another logical conclusion. A great power with robust science of statecraft has to continuously expand. This need not necessarily be in the form of territorial expansion. Cultural and civilisational expansion also creates a ring of protection, notwithstanding minor and occasional differences with neighbors, for the core state. We may never know if this was the reason that India after Mauryan empire never focused on territorial expansion with uniform laws and consistent enforcement capacities. Spread of Buddhism offered an extended ring of protection for quite sometime, until the Hun and other external invasions, even though violent wars were not entirely missing. But these were never as catastrophic as what was witnessed subsequently. From later phase of Gupta rule, Indian subcontinent witnessed near total renunciation of civil service and professional internal governance apparatus, apparently due to absence of serious internal conflict, and moved towards a model that evolved into “Mansabdari” system. This is believed to have seriously disrupted the governance- security or civilian-military continuum. This is believed to have contributed in a big way in subsequent debacle of India in face of Mamluk-Mongol invasions.  

34. Pre-Islamic India clearly enjoyed exceptional prosperity and all round scientific and cultural advancement. One wonders if the process of decline in the practice of India’s robust science of statecraft commence from there? Otherwise India’s cultural footprint that is visible in the whole of South-East Asia, which I have chosen to describe as Indo-Asia, would have been impossible without strong practice of a robust and yet a humanist shade of science of statecraft. We talk about temple of Angkorwat to profound Hindu-Buddhist influence in Thailand to Ramayan, Ganesha and Buddhist lineage and culture of Indonesia to Buddhist and Yogic influence in Japan to even Hindu Buddhist influence in large parts of even Central West Asia. These had preceded the Gupta era. Buddhism and Indian science of statecraft had apparently reached China during Han era itself, which had tried to resurrect these alongside Confucianism and Taoism. During Tang and Tsong era, Buddhism had reached its pinnacle in China. This was also the era when China was at peak of its material, cultural and technological advancement and societal peace and cohesion. Such expansion of global influence of India would have been impossible without practice of an outward looking universalist science of statecraft.  Such rise of state craft was possible only on the strength of sound domestic governance apparatus at home. We find strong glimpses of the same in Kautilyan works that have got translated from beginning of 20th Century. 

35. But global expansion of great powers that are racist and xenophobic does not necessarily lead to positive influence in all contexts. Over the last few centuries, Europeans powers have spread all over the world. They have used a host of instruments varying from trade, deception and subversive guerrilla warfare to colonise and plunder nearly entire Asia and Africa and capture two vast continents of America, besides Oceania.  Of course, they have built exceptional infrastructure in North Americas and Oceania but local population in these areas have paid an exorbitant human cost. I have dealt with this issue separately and described it as part of strategic psyche of pre-Enlightenment era of Europe. European colonisers were able to exploit gaps in the local systems and institutions and succeeded in vanquishing most of Asia and Africa, barring China and Japan. Colonial wealth drove not merely exceptional prosperity but also high-end technological innovations. It is strange that internal social reform movements that improved the quality societal space or social ambience within Europe, and later North America, failed to alter their exploitative outlook towards rest of the world. Yet there are significant sections of people within these societies and states who share a fairly strong universalist outlook towards rest the world.  Yet there are also elements who are still driven by xenophobic hate towards the so-called outsiders and the rest of the world, making the entire equation quite complex. Despite all internal fights among major Western powers until second world war, the current domination of the United States led Western powers in economic, technological and intellectual realms is a reality. It may be debated whether they attained greatness by venturing out or their ventures to colonise rest of the world or their internal developments, including industry and enterprise of its people. Yet any contact or interface with other cultures and civilisations helps a state and civilisation emerge stronger. It depends entirely upon the larger equations. I shall avoid details in this direction. Yet it would suffice to state that Western outlook and civvilization had definitely emerged stronger out of contact with other civilisations but almost entire colonised world has suffered irreparable harm. Here, the blame should go to major powers over their deficient or poor statecraft. Even if China and other oriental powers challenge the West in future, principles of smart statecraft warrant that they find innovative ways and means to end this domination and yet build a mutually empowering equilibrium in larger interest of humanity and security of a stable global order in an increasingly integrated and interconnected world. 

36. The collective all-round domination of rest of the world by the Western powers probably reflected a stronger stability of their internal delicate balance among different components. Unlike Mongols and Mamluks, they managed to create a strong public infrastructure, governance model and multiple edifices for social, technological and intellectual innovations within their country. Their external expansion was driven by a higher quality of internal strategic equilibrium. In my opinion, a superior internal strategic equilibrium is not merely capable of driving superior equilibrium externally rather it needs progress and advancement of such external equilibrium so that its internal ecosystem can thrive and evolve. Life of a state, and especially a civilisation is much longer. It takes much longer time for consequences of negative or positive developments in the realm of statecraft to manifest themselves. A decline in this delicate internal equilibrium, beyond a certain threshold level, has been driving the United States to disrupt and damage the quality of external equilibrium as well. The example of Iran or even 9/11/ attacks on the United States have been cited as outcomes of severely flawed policies of the United States on these two issues. While rise of patriotic secular nationalism was interfered with in Iran in 1950s, the last half of 20th Century witnessed brazen promotion of Islamic radicalism to control Muslim majority societies at  one level and cripple Musim minority large state like India. 

37. On the other hand, China, that claims itself to be the longest continuous civilisational state, got unified—sans Tibet, Xin Jiang, Inner Mongolia and Manchuria—under Chin or Qin ruler Qin Shi Huang some time in 221BC, almost a century after great Chandragupta Maurya and Kautilyan era. This was hundreds of years later than the Mahajanpada era on the Indian subcontinent. China has been steadily expanding since then in terms of territory, notwithstanding some phases of setbacks and fragmentation in between. Barring a brief era, China has never been colonised by external forces, notwithstanding the hype built by Chinese leaders from Mao to Xi Jinping over unequal treaties imposed by the West for almost a Century from middle of 19th of Century. China has managed to build, preserve and refine a robust science of statecraft, by its uniquely elitist culture. Yet it has lavishly used deception, secrecy and stealth as well as a degree of cruelty to resist any challenge to its stability. The cruelty and brutality with which workers, peasants and political opponents have been treated in China throughout its history may have very few parallels. Yet it has attempted to foster a culture of integrity and excellence at least in a section of its civil service and military, notwithstanding intermittent phases of decay and degeneration that have always been followed by regeneration. One wonder if strength of China’s strong culture of statecraft is manifest in its intermittent involvement in low-cost conflicts and wars. It has steadily expanded and Sinicized people in territories that it has acquired over the centuries. Apart from its multiple other strengths, that vary from its advances in principles of warfare to governance of societies and capacities to throw up various shades of philosophies since ancient times- viz.; Taoism, Confucianism and legalism etc- one of the China's biggest strengths, as a state, emanates from the oldest continuing tradition of civil service. Chinese civil service may have had its own share of imperfections and flaws and yet it has been largely merit based given the overall context. Of course, it has remained elitist in outlook because members from aristocracy enjoyed preferential access to their civil service. In that sense, China has perennially been a highly elitist society and culture. Yet it is Chinese civil service that is believed to have helped China consolidate its grip over territories that it has gradually acquired in course of its expansion. It has used a process a process of total and comprehensive absorption of people of all newly acquired territories into the broader Chinese identity. As we get to to known in Xin Jiang or even Mongolian, it has traditionally forced non-Han people to shun their existing identities, languages and practices to adopt Chinese social and behavioural practices. On the other hand, even in current era, as China is surging economically, technologically, industrially and militarily, it has expanded its global footprint and enjoys profound influence on whole of Asia, Africa, parts of Europe and even South America. There is an element of profound Chinese nationalism in Chinese presence or engagements beyond their borders. These have more often pushed local societies and states to a degree of subservience or even disguised exploitation. I have dealt with this aspect also separately.   

38. A closer look suggests that the current mode of China's outward push has helped it virtually capture both markets and resources in whole of Asia and Africa. It has definitely brought in prosperity for sections of local elite, especially in resource-rich pockets of the world, but the entire pursuit has been extremely profitable for the Chinese State. It has generated huge surpluses that it has been funneling towards high end and relatively low-cost, compared to USA, technological innovations. These in turn have bolstered both its industrial and military capacities. China’s Naval superiority and its control over a string of dual use ports all over the world have enhanced its world-wide economic influence in a manner that can be quickly harnessed or transformed it into military domination of at least most of Asia and Africa. Some of its advanced weapon systems, including high end precision strike hypersonic missiles to 6th, and potentially 7th, generation jets to burgeoning Naval prowess and a series of Information, Surveillance and Reconaissance (ISR) systems make it a real possibility. 

39. In recent history, there may not be any parallel where an emergent power has invested such complex, detailed and integrated means to bolster its all-round institutional capacities at home and expand its global economic, technological and military influence as well. China has upgraded its enforcement capacities at home to not merely all-round transformation of its cities, states and population over the shortest possible time but has also attempted to alter behavioural patterns of people to make these more disciplined and civil to foster greater social trust and cohesion. Its introduction of social credit systems by observance of good behaviour through a rigorous mechanism of surveillance is a novelty. While this is going to make people more disciplined at home, it has exported surveillance capacity to its friendly regimes in such resource-rich pockets. This has helped it build a near monopolistic access to both commodities and markets in such states by propping up a vassal like regime. The entire process and mechanism may appear quite complex to make these sustainable.  

40. A lot of details are already available about Chinese accomplishments in high-end technological breakthroughs and their deployment in both military and civilian industrial spheres. Specific details are being avoided in this direction but at this pace American or Western military and industrial domination of the world may no longer remain a permanent feature. While emergence of China as a suitable countervailing force to US hegemony must help overall security quotient of the world but there is an apprehension that this may not necessarily be so. What is worrying that the very societal and strategic psyche of this emergent super-power is such that it may seek to push most of Asia and Africa to total subservience. Dawn of a new form of colonisation, driven by expanding gap in technological capacities, for the rest of the world may become unavoidable. A degree of relative sclerosis in Western governance systems and capacities at one level and extremely sub-optimal all-round rise of India is likely to further offer a bigger space for China’s unrestrained expansion. Yet China has its own internal issues. A culture of deception, distrust and fear - grilled in the Chinese psyche by successive dispensations over millennia - has the potential to induce a major implosion at some point if the economic and social transformation is not negotiated carefully. This has been part of Chinese history every few centuries notwithstanding its exceptional continuity otherwise. But any such recurrence in the prevailing global equations shall have much wider ramifications due to extensive interface that China enjoys with the rest of the world.    

                                    Section-II 

INDIA: Need to Move Towards Indocracy 

41. India has been a wonder once upon a time and it continues to remain one even now. Though neither us nor world may be fully aware of India's civilizational roots and its entire evolutionary journey as a civilisation and state. But it has been marvelled even now for exceptional all-round advancement that it had attained way back in ancient past in economics, agriculture, commerce, science, mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, art, architecture, town planning, warfare and governance etc in an era when substantial component of humanity was still grappling with challenges of survival amidst hazards and threats posed by the forces of nature or sheer urge for domination, subjugation and enslavement among races, tribes and ethnicities. In ancient Indian systems, even rulers had no discretionary powers as per texts like Kautilyan Arthashastra, which was seeking to only resurrect some of the core principles and values of  prevvious era. Each of their actions were to be driven by the highest quality of wisdom and integrity as advised by the Council of Ministers. Ruler was only allowed to express his or her opinion, but its merit was to be deliberated upon dispassionately and views of Council Ministers were mandatory and not advisory (V R Ramachandra Dikshitar; The Mauryan Polity; University of Madras, 1932 Pages 115-119, P-134). No other state and civilization - especially Greece, Rome and China-  may have developed and practiced such levels of scientifically humanist shade of statecraft in its context. This is what explains profound strength of ancient India’s science of statecraft which manifested itself in the form of strong civilisational and cultural footprint in whole of Asia, especially South East Asia.

 42. India’s sustenance as a distinct and yet a substantially humanist civilisation and a democratic state, despite centuries of external occupation, brutally xenophobic assaults and colonial plunder, demonstrates its enormous resilience, strengths and potentials. Yet, as a society, state and civilisation, we have faced formidable distortions, degenerations, injuries and constraints amidst multiple efforts to resurrect its soul. Yet there is no parallel in human history of any state with such humongous diversity, constraints and challenges sustaining an open and competitive political system and yet doing fairly well despite visibly dysfunctional governance systems and multiple institutional contradictions. But at the same time, India’s limitless potentials and capacities appear remain trapped under weight of these formidable challenges and constraints. There is still belief in sections of Indians and non-Indians that India’s eternal civilisational values still hold potential to influence and shape the world for collective betterment of entire humanity. This is possible by integrity and credibility of actions and not merely words. In this direction, India must commence by taking suitable measures to transform both its society and state. 

43. India’s ability to influence and shape the larger global order in the same way as China or the West is beyond the realm of possibility in the foreseeable future or at least this century. India has substantially lost the race for potential super-power status, in traditional sense, over the past five decades. This is largely due to absence of commensurate innovations and initiatives in direction of comprehensive optimisation of all its potentials and capacities through a scientific framework of statecraft. This is despite the fact that India in 2025 is much stronger than what it had been in 2000 or 1975 or 1950 on most parameters of governance and national power- including economic, military, technological capacities and national cohesion or even overall global standing. 

44. What happens in future, no one can predict with certainty, yet genuine statesmen and high-quality practitioners can still influence and shape the course of further evolutionary journey of India both as a state and civilisation. However, Indian state and society have to explore and attempt something far bigger than tactical or piecemeal or standalone modifications in sphere of governance and security. There has to be a scientific and sincere attempt to aggregate, coordinate and fuse all relevant wisdom and institutions to create a model of governance and security that is driven by the highest principles of integrity and wisdom as manifest in India’s ancient statecraft, with its eternally humanist goals, and yet backed up with most scientific instruments and strategies, including the institutional structures, practices and processes.

Philosophy of Indocracy 

45. In my multiple write ups in public domain, I have spelled out pursuit of restructuring of institutions, modification in processes and all-round conditions for optimisation of three interdependent levels of mutually empowering harmony as the eternal goals of this model of statecraft. These include:     

    (i) Optimisation of Harmony within individual; viz., optimisation          of physical, cognitive and psychological capacities, as well as                  technical, professional, social and spiritual strengths with a                        sustainable synergy among all; 

    (ii) Optimisation of Harmony between individual and society at          one level and society and state on the other; and

    (iii) Optimisation of Harmony Between Man and Nature 

46. From the above three principles, flow all the pursuits of finest principles of statecraft. Humans have advanced from barbaric apes to congenial creatures by building trust at a larger level to innovate families, communities and societies and innovated states and yet forged collaboration even among states for betterment of human lives at a wider scale. While the process has not been unilinear and smooth, any further advancement in this direction shall be possible by building genuine conditions that foster trust, collaboration and competition. In pursuit of these, the proposed vision of Indian statecraft or Indocracy envisions substantial transformation of social, political, economic and intellectual soil India and beyond where every individual is able to optimise the quality of physical, cognitive, psychological, technical capacities, social and spiritual capacities. This will bolster not only quality of his or her existence but also his or her ability to contribute to family, community and society. Simultaneously, in absence of conducive familial, social and community environment that is free from negativity and yet helps access to certain threshold level needs, no individual can optimally evolve, thrive and contribute to society. 

47. While it is easier to say but huge innovations are required to generate a mutually empowering synergy between individual and society where both empower each other. We have discussed state and society energy earlier and compared to the Western capitalist model that subscribes to minimal interference of state in society, Indocracy envisions neither under regulation nor over-regulation. The finer details of state society equilibrium has to vary in each context as per time and details need scientific innovations. 

48. Similarly, man-nature harmony and climate peace is being spoken but probably without larger cohesion among human race and wider environment of trust and empathy, probably substantial progress is not possible. Indians have a tendency to dismiss man-nature harmony by stating that they have been following this for ages. Harmony with nature does not mean rituals and worship of nature. It rather implies an equation with nature where neither submits to vagaries of nature nor defiles and damages nature. There has to be pursuit of more scientific wisdom and sincere effort to identify and respect the boundaries of interference with nature. None of the three levels of harmonies can be pursued in isolation with each other and very attempt to pursue these levels of harmonies is going to drive all advancements in civility of human race. State, governance and military prowess is required only as an effective vehicle for pursuit of these goals. 

Specific Goals and Priorities of Governance

49. The following have been identified as concrete issues as part of pursuit of the identified vision of Indocracy: 

     (i) Optimising health, education and technical skills of citizenry and harnessing the same for comprehensive empowerment of state and society; 

     (ii) Optimising Integrity and Efficiency of Executive, Legislature and Judiciary; 

    (iii) Effective Management of Whole Range of Security and Geopolitical Issues; (iv) Technological Innovations; 

 (v) Greater Alignment of Economic Enterprise With Comprehensive Economic Advancement; 

(vi) Curb and Containment of Corruption; and (vii) A Comprehensive Transformation 

Health, Education and Skills of citizenry

50. India has probably the toughest challenge on this planet in terms of building the quality of its human resource. While a gainfully employed healthy population can be boon but a large unhealthy, unskilled and unemployed population is the biggest vulnerability of nation. India ranks at 130 out of 193 countries on Human Development Index parameters (Human Development Report 2025 | Human Development Reports). A significant section of population faces impaired physical and cognitive capacities as the percentage of stunted growth among children has varied among 30 to 40 percent during this century. Similarly, challenges in educational infrastructure as well as learning ability are well documented. What India needs is universal access to healthcare, with focus on prevention of diseases and optimisation of quality of physical and cerebral capacities. Though India has introduced right to Education but the curricula of education must equip every child with right attributes, skills and values that create a responsible citizen out of each of them who can enrich and empower society both through their humane virtues and professional/ technical skills. Hence, it is not important that every citizen gets access to gainful employment, as per their aptitude and ability or skills, but state has to ensure that such employment contributes to overall tangible and intangible strengths of society. A serious transformation in this direction appears impossible without serious transformation in entire governance apparatus, especially at the district and village/municipal levels. 

Integrity and Efficiency of Political Systems 

51. While political systems in all democracies are facing serious crises, but the challenges faced by India appears profound and unique and yet not easily detectable. Even a suggestion of reform in this sector is likely to face tough resistance. Legislature in a healthy state is expected to obtain finest ideas from society and transform these into concrete and yet viable pieces of legislation, that may be suitable in each context, to optimise strengths of individuals, societies and states. There is a serious doubt whether legislature of India consists of people who have the optimal will, capacity and intent to pursue the same. Very often there has been a criticism that entire political space of India has been cartelised, and significantly criminalised, by self-seeking cliques and cartels who appear backed by opaque and invisible forces. Now the culture of subversion has magnified but this is the primary force that has been subverting integrity of all institutions with help of pliable incumbents in civil service and judiciary and possibly so many others from opaque and invisible world. This has crippled optimal rise of India in all spheres. 

52. There has often been a suggestion that with lack of transparency in political funding, corruption has become the lifeblood, or at least the grease that moves wheels, of Indian politics. There is an increasing perception that instead of people getting the best options to elect their own representatives, powerful individuals backed by powerful forces are able to extract people’s votes and snatch their will. Political mobilisation in name of caste and relgion have pushed the governance, security and rule of law on back burner. The entire phenomenon has impaired comprehensive and optimal rise of India as a state and civilisation. Hence, it is more important that India carries out a major innovation in this direction in defence of both its democracy as well as its civilisational identity. Our systems require inbuilt instruments that prevent people's representatives from acting as rulers and royalty or masters of people. It must compel them to act as representatives or servants of collective will of the people. People must get an opportunity to select the worthiest, irrespective of their identity, for the sole purpose of providing the best possible legislation. While an encyclopaedia shall also be insufficient to identify challenges in this sphere and make recommendations, following concrete moves are likely to multiply integrity and efficiency political systems manifold:  

(i) Segregate political parties who can contest elections at the centre and state and make the elections at district levels party-less; Parties contesting elections at centre must be barred from contesting elections of legislative assemblies and similarly state level parties should be barred from contesting elections for national parliament. Similarly different sets of groups or units, unaffiliated with state or national level parties should contest village/municipal/district level polls. 

(ii) Let there be not more than 3-5 recognised parties at the centre that can contest parliament elections and similarly let there be not more than 3 -4 recognised political parties that can contest polls for state assemblies; district and panchayat/municipal level elections to stay completely party-less or new groups can come up at each time but none should be recognised. 

(iii) A firm full tenure of five years, or any identified duration, should be allowed for every Govt/governing entity following an election. No Confidence Motion should be alloweded only on grounds of specific grave offences, and not for replacement of one set of people by another, to ensure smooth governance over the full tenure and eliminate space for horse-trading that has been the biggest source of corruption and subversion of all our institutions; 

(iv) There should be no more than one tenure at a time for positions like Zilla Parishad Chiefs, Chief Ministers and even Prime Minister to eliminate space for monopolisation of power as there is no likelihood of dearth of talent in this direction in a country of our size; Introduction of a cooling off period of ten years for any individual who competes for the next tenure at the helm at any level; Similarly, the consecutive tenures for Ministers or equivalents can be reduced to not more than two or three; 

 (v) To ensure continued access to wisdom and experience of a Prime Minister, he or she should be automatically nominated as cross bencher in the Rajya Sabha, where he or she can express his or her opinion on issues in a bi-partisan manner; the proposed arrangement shall bring in unprecedented dignity and credibility to the highest executive position in the country, and bolster national self-esteem, where incumbents can rise above all pressure and greed to work in the best interest of the society and state. 

(vi) Similarly, following completion of a tenure as Head of a State Govt, an incumbent should be nominated to State Legislative Council in role of a senior statesperson unless he or she chooses to move to national politics/parliament or any other pursuit on his/her own volition. 

(vii) The tenure for President/Head of a political party should be restricted to one and under no condition more than two terms and a cooling off period of ten years may be introduced for the next stint; 

 (viii) There must be complete ban on succession of leadership either in the government or within a political party from one blood relationship to another, irrespective of merit and talent for ensuring larger credibility and integrity of systems and prevention of private ownership of national and political institutions of the country for private gains; There may be a similar cooling off period of ten years period as the most talented individuals can contribute through any position other than top as well.

 Note: The above measures are likely to at least reduce the space for cartelisation or private ownership or gaming of political system of the country as well as subversion of India’s political system for private enrichment/crony capitalism as well as promotion of agenda of foreign powers, by undermining integrity of institutions/rule of law or fair competition in the markets. 

(ix) Introduction of stringent criteria of experiences may be introduced for contesting elections at state assembly level and national parliament level, while elections at local level may be kept open to all without any criteria anyone; 

(x) Only those who have served at least one full tenure as member of state assembly or at top/senior most management level in a mega institution or earned an international/national level distinction in some sphere should be eligible to contest parliament level polls; and similarly only those who have served at least one tenure at local level bodies or as middle level functionary in at least state/national level entity or earned international/national/state level recognition in any sphere should be eligible to contest State Assembly polls.

 (xi) There should be a limit on maximum numbers of continuous tenures like four to five or six for membership of every legislative body at a particular level to prevent monopolisation of political space and promote free and fair competition; 

 (xii) Since the highest form of people’s representation is required at village, block and district level, there should be no eligibility on who can contest party-less polls at this level; It shall again be desirable that no candidate becomes Zila Parishad Chief during first tenure itself; 

(xiii) There should be total ban on political parties creating their own proxies in student politics and trade unions to protect larger social cohesion and prevent social divide on political lines; 

(xiv) Total ban on political mobilisation on lines of caste and religion and similarly all religion and caste based parties must be banned in the interest of national and social cohesion; 

(xv) Innovation beyond Westminster model where legislators get to only oversee functioning of specific ministries/departments as watchdog of people and not as administrative head of the same with right to interfere in the decisions in collusion with civil servants to subvert their integrity; 

(xvi) Drastic reduction in election costs and ban on all road shows that seek to psychologically overwhelm people; Total ban on use of any state resource for direct or indirect election campaign by any minister of the govt; 

(xvii) streamline internal structures and processes of political parties to throw up high quality ideas and bona-fide leaders; Every political party to act as a public trust whose membership and leadership roles should be duly open to worthy leaders capable of contributing to governance and not merely winning elections; 

(xviii) Ban on party hoppers changing political parties for contesting polls; and

 (xix) Freedom to all legislators to vote on the basis of their conscience and public interest, except on money bill which should be discussed at appropriate forum; 

Integrity and Output of Civil Service 

53. In absence of an effective, accountable and professional civil service in any modern state, a piece of legislation or wider rules and laws shall remain largely aspiration and wishful thinking. India may boast of some of the most talented civil servants and yet it may be one of the most unprofessional civil service. India has continued with a colonial era civil service which is designed to control a country and not facilitate its optimal progress. Indian civil service, of latte has been reeking under weight of corruption, entitlement and inefficiency. It is high time, India drastically modifies the structures of civil service at every level. While there have been many voices calling for abolition of this “relic” of British Raj but Indian civil service has its own strengths and what is required is professionalising it as per the current context and priorities by retaining some of its core strengths but infusing much higher quality of competition to infuse greater excellence and innovation. Following are some of the carefully thought-out and extensively consulted recommendations that could be the beginning point for larger reforms in this sphere: 

(i) Replacement of generalist civil service by specialist civil service because the very idea of leadership in every profession has changed in the current competitive era where deeper technical understanding of each professions/domain is critical for providing optimal quality of leadership; 

(ii) All recruitments to be based on specific requirements of a profession/job-content in each sector on the basis of aptitude, interest, commitment of an applicant in that sector; While general common contents of one common examination may be retained for recruitment to all services, simultaneously evaluation of specialist content and aptitude should also be introduced for each service; 

 (iii) (While all direct recruits to All-India and Central Services must be kept on a fast track of promotion but everyone must rise from the lowest executive level for deeper professional commitment and knowledge; Elimination of the current arrangement of para-jumping at the top as no examination and training in itself is sufficient to prepare any individual for a leadership level role without deeper exposure and experience of rising in any professional stream; 

 (iv) All professional leaders in all wings of civil service must evolve through a process of rigorous evaluation of their performance on both professional and leadership parameters; Lower level promotion may be driven on the basis of output on professional parameters but as they start evolving, the promotions must be dictated increasingly on their output as leaders but professional criteria must not be eliminated entirely; 

(v) There should be greater focus on quality of efforts and their net outcome on priority areas to make a difference in goals of governance; 

(vi) Elimination of all superfluous ranks, structures and processes that contribute very little; 

(vii) Control of governance at district level must be vested with elected representatives of the people and existing incumbents in the posts like DMs/DCs should be reasonably experienced civil servants, who can act as professional CEOs of District and act both as complementing and countervailing force against elected Head of local governments and their collective contribution in enhancement in quality of governance should be measured and reflected accordingly; 

(viii) Drastically reduce frills and invisible benefits and space for underhand dealings and pay civil servants well to create high end professional leaders out of them. 

Integrity, Efficiency and Accountability of Judiciary: 

54. No society and state can ever attain greatness if it is infested with large scale disputes and litigation. Judicial incompetence is only going to create a spiral of such disputes and litigation that may kill vigour and vitality of an entire society. Ideally in a great society and state, judiciary should be focused more on prevention, pre-emption and deterrence of crime and disputes. Judiciary is the ultimate and final bastion of state in a democratic set up where unlawful ills and wrongs, either against an individual and institution, can be remedied. While, it is impossible for judiciary to intervene and act in each instance of illegality and injustice, it is expected to deliver such exemplary judgments that must deter crime. 

55. A sluggish, incompetent and expensive judicial process is like a noose tied around neck of a society that can eventually strangle and choke a society to death. Simultaneously, there are many credible indicators that some of the global deep states and their clandestine strategic affiliates in the world of organised crime or corruption networks have drastically subverted integrity of judiciary and entire criminal justice system in many major developing nations as part of their respective agendas. There is increasing perception even in India our judicial system is neither efficient nor transparent. Besides, there is almost zero accountability of higher echelons of judiciary to any quarter of Indian society. Corruption and incompetence in judiciary has been conceded by no less than a retired Chief Justices of India. This institution too needs drastic overhaul from recruitment and orientation to instill not only wisdom of law but also values and ethos like integrity, courage and character. This is impossible in the current mechanism. Simultaneously, the judicial processes need large scale simplifications for better comprehension and clarity over matters for delivery of deterrent verdicts. 

56. If judiciary delivers high quality judgments in time to build a culture of rule of law by deterring possible offenders in any sphere, the cohesion and trust quotient in a society shall multiply manifold. In this way, Indian judiciary or cartelization of justice has appeared the single most factor that has crippled vigour, vitality and resilience of India as a state and society. Following are some of the well thought out recommendations that could be beginning points for large scale reform of this institution: 

 (i) An all-India service like recruitment for higher echelons of judiciary from High Court onwards; Potential recruits must be tested on the basis of their deep knowledge, innovative and sharp mind besides strength of character, courage and integrity; 

(ii) Similarly recruits at District and lower rungs of judiciary may be recruited by states on professional, psychological and ethical criteria; 

(iii) All recruits at every level must be subjected serious training that must transform and suitably prepare them to needs of the largest democracy of the world; 

(iv) All promotions must be based on quality and volume of judgments delivered; 

(v) Institution of Judicial Accountability Commission to prevent abuse of privileges; Any corruption in Judiciary must invite capital punishment and confiscation of all legitimately earned assets and materials; 

(vi) Suitable measures to alleviate any possibility of financial and physical insecurity of judges; and 

(vii) Simultaneous reforms in police and investigative institutions as police and judicial systems share a symbiotic association for defence and protection of rule of law.

 Security and Geopolitics 

57. While every dimension of statecraft is closely interlinked with each other, security and geopolitics are probably more integrated with each other even though the two cannot be delinked with larger capacities in all other dimension of governance and national power. In the statecraft section of this paper, certain eternal principles of warfare have been discussed, which remain relevant under all conditions. India as a state has to change its psyche that it shall fight only defensive war when it is attacked. It is reiterated that it is failure of statecraft, when a major power is attacked or provoked by a minor power. A great power must not merely appear to pursue peace but it must genuinely do so because it has much bigger stake in peace. Comprehensive advancement of its people, society and state are critically dependent upon an ambience of peace and security. Hence, at times war may become indispensable for pursuit of reshaping the larger geopolitical landscape or equations for sake of sustainable peace. 

58. A large state must continuously build capacities and stay prepared to fight offensive wars on foreign soil if the same is required for reshaping geopolitics to ensure its sustainable security. But such wars have to be fought only for winning and according to same principles as outlined earlier. Innovative approach offers big space for rejig of tactics and strategies to meet unexpected situations. But continuous shaping and reshaping of external geopolitics is a critical component of national security for a large state. While multiple technical details on military security that are available in open domain do not require deliberation in this paper, it is sufficient emphasize that we need more innovation to push complementarity among economic, technological and human resource prowess. We cannot definitely wait to gain parity with some super power and yet we cannot afford a miscalculation. The very realisation that military power is not sustainable on its own and it is often not sufficient to accomplish goals of sustainable security, should push innovation in governance and security. Hence, all shades of sustainable instruments of security are required to reinforce both defensive and offensive capacities of Indian state. Comparative military strengths of major nations have been analysed and evaluated to assess respective strengths of major powers, and Indian Govt has undertaken a series of moves to bolster military capacities, following general points (whose details are being held back) need deliberation and follow up action: 

 (i) Continuous refinement of all round military capacities by factoring in real and potential threats and challenges; 

(ii) Military should always accurately assess and anticipate real and potential threats and stay prepared for both offensive and defensive ventures through a delicate balance in its priorities; 

(iii) While a strong military is an existential necessity for India that faces two pronged threat, India’s relative constraints on economic, industrial and technological fronts, calls for much sharper manoeuvring and prioritisation in the interim, without losing focus on long term strategy and requirements; 

 (iv) Sustained multiplication military capacities through greater synergy with diplomacy and intelligence, alongside its own internal integrations to pursue a proactive strategy; 

(v) Sharper and stronger innovation to bolster indigenous R&D and manufacturing capacities to bridge the gap between hardware requirements and availability; 

(vi) Focus on building appropriate institutional capacities to win and deter irregular wars—including insurgency, terrorism, organised crime and subversion- not only on Indian soil but even beyond our borders. In this connection my paper captioned “Understanding and Tackling Irregular Wars” which must be one of the most well-read papers in this category, offers a deeper insight. For better appreciation, following is stated: 

        • It will be impossible for India to peacefully co-exist with Pakistan           in foreseeable unless the idea of Islamic radicalism is completely              decimated through tactful use of a variety of instruments at a                  sustainable and negligible costs; 

        • Terrorism is an act of war and not a law and order problem; 

         • Without organised crime and subversion of sections of Indian                    state and society, it was impossible for terrorism to sustain in this             part of the world; 

        • India needs multi-pronged super-tact driven strategy perfected by           successful practitioners and not academic polemics to ensure                  terminal decline and extinction of Military-Mulla complex in                  Pakistan and this subcontinent and beyond (Some details are                 available in the above referred papers but many are held back); 

       • Leadership of Pakistan military being a comprador entity has no             stake in long term security and peace in Pakistan; 

      • Pak military has always ensured its relevance for super powers, to            varying degrees, by its ability to act as their strategic tool in so                many murky domains as well as its so-called ability to keep India            under check; hence for more innovation may be required to                    eradicate this nuisance without depleting undue energies. 

59.  India has all the reasons to be cautious and alert on account of enhanced uncertainty and volatility in the global security environment. An unpredictable Trump has administered major geopolitical shocks. China under a super ambitious Xi Jinping is always difficult to trust. Besides India’s two largest and both nuclear armed major neighbours— Pakistan and China-have consistently threatened its sheer existence, albeit in different forms and with varying degrees of intensity, by using stealth, deception and subversion. Recent instances of regime change through street violence in three smaller Asian states, who have been more like outposts of national security of India, is also worrying. Very often it is stated that mass turbulence in immediate neighbourhood of a big power is reflective of weakness in principles and practices of statecraft of such a power. Hence, India needs innovative capacities to ensure stability, security and dominance of pro-India forces in this region alongside eradication of cancerous character of Pakistan. This is neither going to be possible by cheque book diplomacy nor military means.

Technological Innovations 

60. India has to undertake extra ordinary measures to create a larger ecosystem to bolster its capacities in the realm of high-end cutting edge technologies like quantum computing, artificial general intelligence, nanotechnologies, robotics, wide range of biotechnologies and gene editing etc, 5G and other high-end telecommunication technologies. A lot of information is available on the web in this realm. While some of the Western states, especially United States always had a stronger base of advanced technologies, alongside highly skilled manpower and overall infrastructure, including some of the best institutions and universities, China has built an integrated capacity, which is constantly getting better. An abnormal gap with the two most powerful super powers is going to not only further cripple comprehensive rise of India but may seriously jeopardise security of state and society by bringing in unexpected situations. Hence, India has to build on its strengths by creating a network of excellence among some of its existing and emerging institutions and fostering talent, which may involve restraining brain drain and getting back some of its best talents from overseas. 

Economic Enterprise and Comprehensive Economic Advancement 

61. Despite India’s surge in terms of gross GDP, India remains one of the poorest nations in terms of per capita income. On most HDI parameters, India compares with parts of sub Saharan Africa. Yet it has unusually high number of billionaires for the size of its economy with top 1% Indians controlling 40% of national wealth (https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/new-updates/1-hold-40-wealth f inancial-analyst-says-income-gap-in-india-now-worse-than-under-british-rule/ articleshow/122202319.cms#:~:text=India%E2%80%99s%20top%201%25%20 now%20control%2040.1%25%20of%20the,a%20recent%20analysis%20by%20 research%20analyst%20Hardik%20Joshi; as accessed on Oct 31, 2025). Another worrying aspect is negligible investment by India’s corporate sector in R&D and most of their wealth emanates from trading and services. In absence of robust industrial capacity and capacity to high end innovations, India needs to ensure that unrestrained and deficiently regulated private sector becomes a genuine partner in the process of governance and building national power. 

62. On the other hand, overwhelming majority Chinese companies that have driving spectacular rise of China are public sector companies. Unlike private sector companies, they have been using their deeper pocket in fundamental research which has enabled them not merely bridge the gap with United states but also forge ahead in many critical areas. Hence, more serious and sustained restructuring is required to harness the strengths of market economy and competition to drive excellence and yet build on strengths of high-performing some of the PSUs in critical areas. Simultaneously, enterprises and ventures that contribute to genuine and strategic economic empowerment need careful encouragement and many others that are driven by avoidable consumer demands but act as drain on national resources require serious discouragement. In contemporary era, we cannot afford to either survive or grow in isolation and hence a proactive and strategic approach is needed alongside smart tactics to scale over challenges in this direction. 

Scientific and Systemic Curb and Containment of Corruption

63. While corruption has emerged as the universal challenge but it appears to be the biggest bane in most of the major developing nations. While total eradication of corruption may be nearly impossible anywhere in the world but probably it may not be as rampant and as widely prevalent and yet normalised as we find in India. In fact, corruption has been somehow mainstreamed in this country and it is beyond capacity of existing institutions of criminal justice system to even dent these. It has been widely stated that if 5 to 10 percent or even 20 percent people are corrupt in a society, probably they are a malignant lot. But when 95 to 100 percent of elite in a society are believed to be corrupt, probably the very system of governance is flawed. 

64. Very often, one comes across assertions that corruption has been fused in Indian psyche, Indian DNA and Indian systems as part of geopolitical and covert war agenda of powerful external forces. While, one can appreciate that corruption is not a moral and ethical issue and the entire country should not be converted into a prison. Yet the stakeholders of India must appreciate that corruption sucks the life blood of a society even though it may enrich few. This may be the only factor that explains India’s relatively lackadaisical performance on all parameters governance over the last five decades compared to China. 

64. Hence, instead of addressing it as a stand alone problem, a total and comprehensive restructuring of institutions has been recommended. Our systems have to provide appropriate space for legitimate enrichment of individuals at one level and deny more space for hidden or obvious entitlements. Besides, leaders in politics, corporate sector and civil service need to live an austere life for sake of nation building and set an example as healthy role model. Courts may never be able to detect each and every instance of big corruption. Hence, it is more important that instead of generating an environment of fear, courts award most exemplary punishment to few to deter the most. The “charity” must begin from home for judiciary in this direction. 

A Comprehensive Transformation.

 65. India needs a comprehensive transformation of entire edifice of its institutions and social ambience for sake of its survival and evolution instead of waiting for a bigger disaster to strike. India needs a spectacular transformation in its governance capacity, which is not possible without serious restructuring of its institutions. Indocracy is not about what India had been in the past but about how can India optimise collective strengths of its people and harness these towards building stronger security and governance capacity under a democratic political dispensation. These are definitely not being presented as final words of wisdom. The objective of this work is to initiate larger discussion with candour and integrity. 

                **************************************

PS: This is truncated version of a book that was hacked in late 2019 and completely wiped out. This part has been recollected from memory. Instead of going through an arduous and painful process of publication of a book, I have chosen to place some of these ideas in open domain but I continue to hold back many detailed concepts of Indocracy.