[The above captioned write-up was published in late 2025 in a special edition (Vol 25) captioned: "India Beyond 75: Reflections on Our Nation's Journey" of Think India journal of Vichar Vinyas Foundation. Vichar Vinyas was set up by late Shri D P Trpathi, former MP and a highly popular former President of JNUSU. The foundation and the journal are now being run by late Sh DPT's son Kanishka Tripathi. I have added a prologue.]
PROLOGUE (Apr 24, 2026)
My Tryst With Indocracy or Bharat Tantra
I have explained the concept of Indocracy or Bharat Tantra on multiple platforms including this very blog. It was in late 1980s when I first
conceptualized the idea of Indocracy as an advanced version of democratic
governance that could be more effective and sustainable in the Indian
context. My understanding of the world was fairly limited at that point of time,
notwithstanding nearly a decade long involvement in student politics, which had
offered me more than normal exposures for my age and context. This was especially in terms of interactions with fellow university students and youth across the country, eminent national leaders and intellectuals and sections of masses, besides exposure to some complex situations.
It was an era when internet did not exist. Marxism dominated political discourse on elite University campuses in India and beyond. The so-called liberals defended open society, free speech,
fair competition and freedom for enterprise and innovation. Yet they sounded hypocritical. The existing governance system appeared extremely inefficient and even oppressive. The existing ruling dispensation and the so-called liberal mainstream political class, especially in India, were perceived, by most of the youth, as largely inefficient or corrupt. However, this was not to deny presence of many credible intellectuals and ethical leaders among them. The primary anguish and frustration of youth and even masses appeared directed against this shade of politics and politicians. They were never in a position to walk the high ideals that they talked.
By late 1980s, weaknesses of Marxism
as an ideology had also been comprehensively exposed. Warsaw Pact
countries had started overthrowing communist dictatorships. By crushing freedom and innovation, this form of political system had generated enormous hardship for its people. Communist China had rapidly moved towards market economy and free enterprise and
yet massacred tens of thousands of its own youth in Tiananmen square in
1989. This was considered an outcome of contradiction where its economic liberalisation had not been backed by corresponding political liberalisation. The long history of dissensions among Marxist or leftist intellectuals had been well publicized much before the collapse of even Soviet-Russia in 1991.
Simultaneously, the Western model
of representative democracy, despite all its strengths, appeared increasingly
incapable of meeting legitimate aspirations of people in the entire developing
world. These democracies have had their own share of challenges even in their own part of the world. It is also doubtful if they could have built their phenomenal public infrastructure and so-called liberal regime without the foundation provided by the wealth extracted from erstwhile colonies.
The so-called free thinkers and scores of utopian ideologies, relying
upon innate goodness of human soul, appeared largely confused. So were the then Hindu right wingers driven by the yearnings to resurrect pre-Islamic social-political-economic order of the subcontinent, not realizing that it was weakness of this very order that had induced the downfall of formidably prosperous and tranquil India. In any case, we cannot travel back in history. A dynamic society must aim at moving forward.
This was also the time when the liberal Islamists were glorifying Mughal rule in
India, as a potential model for transition, over its so-called composite culture, forgetting that Turks, Mamluks and
Mughals invaders had not visited India with any missionary or altruistic goal to uplift this region. They were essentially rootless mercenaries with little expertise in
governance, especially of an established and prosperous state with long civilizational roots. They did attempt to impose their own way of life. It was pure security gap and failure of indigenous systems that they could step in and control large parts of this subcontinent for a significant time. Some among them were
pragmatic and humane enough to give up their brutal discriminatory practices
against the locals and coopted sections of Hindu elite more for stability and security of their own regime. Besides, poor statecraft of Mamluk-Mughal rule
had paved the way for the worst ever economic depredation and plunder in
human history that had reduced India from probably the richest region in the world to
the most impoverished and highly de-industrialized one by the time the British left.
Simultaneously, in late 1980s, Islamic hardline was gaining momentum in India. In hindsight, it appears plausible that following Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979, Pakistan, under American patronage, had undertaken a massive project to build an elaborate regional infrastructure of organised crime and irregular warfare in name of Islam in whole of South Asia. Apart from regular military networks of guerrilla warfare, there was a spurt in Islamist propaganda probably for purposes of recruitment for all-out war to defeat communism internationally and probably Indianism in India. India at that point of time was perceived as close friend of Soviet Union. Militancy in Punjab may have had strong internal ingredients but it was impossible for it to gain momentum and sustain itself without external support. This was the time when terrorism had been brewing at subterranean level in Kashmir and Islamist propaganda was more than visible in rest of the country. Tablighi movement had suddenly become popular. There were many who felt that even if these were teaching the correct Islamic or Arabic rituals and prayer methods, these were only fracturing social and national cohesion by kindling hardened Islamist identity of Indian Muslims. Simultaneously, there were many Islamists who appeared openly rationalising Muslim involvement or domination of organised crime on grounds of their unique identity and so-called suppression in India which was unacceptable in view of Muslims being the real rulers of India before the British took over. Many mosques were peddling hard line Islamist propaganda. It was believed that there was external funding for the same, especially through Islamist countries of West Asia that were close allies of the United States at that point of time. As per media reports, mosques were mushrooming throughout the length and breadth of the country but mostly in critical bordering areas from UP, Bihar, Bengal and whole of North-East to coastal regions of relatively richer states like Gujrat, Maharashtra, Karnataka and even Kerala and to some extent even Tamil Nadu. Indian state appeared a moot spectator and a section of its incumbents were suspected to be active collaborators. Hardline Islamist youth/students, in their closed-door meetings,
which were common not only in JNU but probably most major universities,
were peddling the idea of Islamisation of whole of the Indian subcontinent.
It was in these contexts that, in course of
abstract thinking, which was refined by intense discussion with my politically and ideologically well- informed friends and teachers, that I coined the word Indocracy as a universally appealing humanist, inclusive and yet an indigenous framework of governance and statecraft. The idea could be developed to create a comprehensive architecture of statecraft or blueprint for institutional restructuring. But it was not possible for me given my limited intellectual exposure as well as near total absence of any interface with governance and statecraft. I quit student politics and ideology building, defying my mentors and friends in politics to join civil service. I wanted first-hand exposure to governance and preferably statecraft and that too from a global prism. This was not possible for me given my entry point in politics. I have written on this very blog that I had the audacity to ask the then Prime Minister of India that why can't our country build a system where every functionary of state from peon to Prime Minister did their own work reducing the need and space for interventions from higher authorities in the routine work.
My professional and intellectual journey in a very specialized wing of civil service offered me a huge perspective even though it was not entirely focused, unilinear and smooth. Yet I kept incrementally building the idea. I emerged richer after every assignment and exposure in terms of perspective. I wrote thesis while doing my National Defence College programme programme captioned as: "Integrated Institutional Framework of Governance: A Bedrock of National Security". This paper tried to offer, howsoever sketchy, a perspective on integrated architecture of high-quality institutions to govern state and transform society. It had argued that a simultaneous transformation of institutions of state and larger societal ambience was critical for building a sturdy and sustainable foundation for a robust and impregnable national security architecture.
Earlier, I had written a series of papers on issues varying from insurgency, terrorism, subversion as well as strategies towards optimizing quality and output of institutions. This very blog has a nearly 70 write ups of various sizes on different dimensions of national security, governance and geopolitics. Yet my biggest work of nearly 250,000 words on Indocracy was wiped out from my computer in a cyber-attack in late 2019. Later in 2021, global media had disclosed that military grade cyber-weapon Pegasus was deployed on me. Simultaneously, a lot of my time and energy has been consumed in a court battle over the last eight years, where I have challenged the criminal fraud and forgery and multiple other forms of covert and criminal harassments. Yet I must thank Kanishka for motivating and persuading me to produce this piece at least in the form of a long article. I hope some younger scholars gets into the depth of these ideas and further refine and elaborate these.
(The Article as published in 2025 in Think India, with minor edits)
INDOCRACY: A Framework of Statecraft
Section-I : Statecraft
The Science That Creates and Sustains Great States
Great states and great societies derive their strength from their ability
to throw up powerful ideas and powerful leaders with greater regularity.
This does not happen by chance. It needs careful investments to nurture
an entire ecosystem, which should consist of scientific
edifice of institutions and corresponding social, political and strategic
ethos, values and practices.
2. Vigour and resilience of such an ecosystem
emanate from the quality of equilibrium that these institutions and values
forge with each other as well as the larger external environment. Higher
the quality of this equilibrium, where individuals and institutions and their
underlying values, ethos and practices empower each other, stretching
their respective capacities and strengths, greater is the possibility of
comprehensive and sustained advancement of societies and states.
3. Pursuit and practice of such deeper wisdom through concrete instruments
and practices, that become increasingly superior over time, can be described
as science of statecraft. This is an all-encompassing and overarching set of
scientific principles and practices of governance of all facets of society
and state that seek to optimise strengths of both state and society with
an optimal synergy between the two. Occupation of a territory or sheer
subjugation of a society through force is no statecraft. It erodes not
merely long-term strengths of society but also eventually weakens security
of political system and advancement of an entire civilisation, by crippling
vigour, vitality and resilience of its people.
4. A good statecraft is also not about wishful thinking, unachievable ideals or
subjective assessment of internal and external situations and deployment
of deficient instruments to address goals, challenges and priorities.
It needs far more realistic assessment of not only existing internal and external contexts but also realistic assessment and anticipation of
evolving and futuristic situations. It calls for determination of concrete
and achievable goals in every context and deployment of pragmatic
and effective instruments to successfully pursue these. There can be no
universal prescription in statecraft even if the larger objectives remain
common. There have been huge variations in what has been practiced
as statecraft by major states in different contexts. Each may attribute
superiority to their own principles and practices but proof of the same
lay in the impact of these on plight of their people and wider evolutionary course of human race.
5. Science of statecraft has to be dynamic and must evolve with time.
Minor setbacks are part of the process of evolution. But big failures are
simply unaffordable and unabsorbable in this realm for any major power.
Decline and disintegration of a major power impacts not only its own
people but that of so many smaller states and societies, whose security
and wellbeing depends upon such large state. But a great state and a great
civilisation with robust principles of statecraft can never be annihilated,
decimated or colonised by any external force and yet it would enhance
quality of human existence beyond national frontiers and geographical
barriers. This is especially if it invests in sustaining and evolving the
science of statecraft with right institutional infrastructure and conducive
ecosystem.
6. Indocracy has been envisioned as a form of statecraft whose goals are universal and humanist and yet the instruments are driven by local societal realities for higher efficacy. It has attempted to fuse the wisest principles of governance of society and state- including warfare,
geopolitics and diplomacy- that were once practiced in whole of Indo
Asia at one level with the scientific advances in wisdom in this realm in
the Western democratic world over the past few centuries. It envisions
generation of a wider ecosystem where powerful ideas as well as high
quality doers, leaders and innovators germinate and thrive. The entire
process should help reshape values, ethos and ambience within states
and societies by creating effective and sustainable institutional structures
and processes in each context that can continuously optimise energies,
capacities and output of individuals, societies and states and quality of
synergy among them.
8. State craft in India was described as “Raj Dharma” or the obligation
of the sovereign. Though our history too has distorted and there may
be lot of misgivings about the roots of this concept. Yet it appears that
under overarching protection, support and encouragement provided
by “Raj Dharma”, all other “Dharmas” or legitimate pursuits, ventures
and obligations of people- that empowered individual and society
in conjunction with nature or cosmos- thrived. There is reference of
this science in various ancient Indian texts, but more scientifically in
Kautilyan Arthashastra as a science of statecraft. Though India as a
state and civilisation has faced enormous degeneration from pinnacle
of material and intellectual advancement in its context and yet has
demonstrated exceptional resilience probably due to strength of some
of its civilizational values. Nevertheless, our survival as a distinct civilisation and state must be no consolation. Erosion of wisdom
of this science and our ability to effectively practice the same is an unmistakable reality which needs to be remedied.
9. Today, there is
much greater need to study, examine and evaluate the factors, or failures of statecraft, that brought about decay and downfall of India. Simultaneously, we must attempt
resurrection of this science with a more contemporary, scientific and
futuristic orientation.
A mere assertion of glorious past of India and efforts to reinforce
symbolic social and cultural rituals, alongside tactical management of day
to day affairs of the state may not be able to bring back the golden era of distant past or help us resurrect those extraordinary
principles and practices of statecraft that had scripted exceptional
rise of India as a state and civilisation. Though whole
of Indian subcontinent or Indo-Asia may never have followed uniform
principles of statecraft on a continuous basis as there were vast expanses
of lands and people who had stayed outside the realm of civilisation. Yet the dominant practices of state and society in major civilizational zones often represented the most
humanist shade of statecraft in its context. This is what explains
sustained expansion of cultural and civilisational footprints of India way beyond this subcontinent. The resultant rise in social tranquillity,
social trust and scientific temper had driven technological and economic
advancement in whole of Indo-Asia expanding from current day Afghanistan to most of South East Asia. While India needs to resurrect
those essentially humanist goals of statecraft, it is not possible without a scientific exploration of effective
and scientific instruments that are likely be more effective in the current
context. This requires far more exceptional brilliance and innovation than what is required in day today governance.
A dynamic Science That Must Evolve With Time
10. Nothing has ever been perfect in this universe. And nothing is likely to
become so even in future. Yet there is a unique symphony like harmony
among different components of nature that sustains life on this planet. It is human energy, enterprise and innovation of a high order that has driven all progress. Investment of high-quality sagacious ideas, energies and innovation have potential to multiply the quality of this symphony, and its internal
harmony, to limitless potentials. This has to be a continuous process without any end. While innovations in various streams multiply wisdom and impact lives, it is the science of statecraft that is expected to ensure larger stability of a national, regional, global order. The principles of continuous innovation and advancements in every stream of human knowledge must apply to the science and practices of
statecraft as well. Nothing perfect has ever existed and nothing perfect may
emerge even in the future and yet huge progress can be achieved. An attempt to evolve this science has to be driven by these very principles. A degree
of setbacks, failures, challenges, conflicts and even turmoil are bedrock
for innovation and advancement. These are opportunities as long these
remain short of catastrophic disasters. And a strong science of statecraft
can always avert disasters or mitigate their impact.
All great societies and states have evolved and advanced by negotiating
through increasingly higher quality of challenges as well as opportunities
in their evolutionary journey. The quality of their progress and evolution
has been directly proportional to the quality of space that they create
for excellence, innovation, collaboration and competition for their
members. Where efforts and initiatives of people increasingly get better
and yet optimally, not necessarily completely, supplement each other to the highest possible extent in
each context. A momentum in this process shall enhance the quality of
evolutionary journey of a society and state. This is likely to push quality
of evolutionary journey of other societies and people also who come in
its contact.
11. Comprehensive and sustained advancement of states, societies civilisations
require much deeper wisdom, planning and coordination. A closer
examination of some of the greatest civilisations of the past or evolution
of the idea and instruments of democracy in the west, rise and fall of
communism among Soviet block of nations following their stagnation
and degeneration, and challenges faced by most democracies amidst
resurgence of China, suggest that vibrant societies and robust states need
a higher degree of internal cohesion, trust and culture of collaboration.
Yet they also need a culture of fairer and regulated competition, alongside
enlightened dissidence. This has been the bedrock of all innovations. In absence of high degree of social trust and cohesion, alongside a relatively
equitable access to opportunities for a larger number of people in each
context, a culture of fairer competition is simply neither possible nor
sustainable.
Similarly, a healthy internal equilibrium within states and societies requires
a conducive external environment as well. The latter is something that
great states do not always inherit or receive on their own. Hence the
highest principles of statecraft warrant not merely effective management
of external environment but strategic shaping and reshaping of the same
to foster a sustainable and mutually empowering equilibrium between the
home state and external environment.
12. War is the ultimate and the last instrument in this direction. But war may not always be effective and yet it can never be sufficient. There will be circumstances where shall become necessary and unavoidable. Hence, a great state must stay prepared to fight war and keep practicing and honing its war winning skills and capacities. However, war is a
massive and complex science with multiple dimensions and shades, which needs be dealt with separately. A great state has to take it seriously, because any major folly or failure in this sphere can generate catastrophic disasters that
generations shall fail to undo. Yet there are multiple other instruments
short of war that can be effective on their own and need to be developed and deployed
alongside war-waging and war-winning capacities. Objective of war cannot be a sports like victory for fun.
A victory in war that fails in influencing and shaping the larger external
ecosystem, or deterring or denting a threat, or consumes energies of a
state beyond a sustainable level, may generate consequences that may not
be too different from defeat.
Practice of Statecraft: Need for Deep Wisdom, Exceptional Commitment and the Highest Level of Individual Integrity
13. While accidental convergence of great leaders and great ideas have also
triggered developments in the past that have built their own momentum,
it always takes extra ordinary vision, sagacity and perseverance, at least
on part of a few, to sow seeds whose fruition propels and sustains continued ascendance of states and societies. Managing, influencing, shaping
behaviour and situations at a wide and extensive levels calls for fusion of
available deeper wisdom in all dimensions of human endeavours, besides
the highest possible levels of commitment, individual integrity and psychological
strength. This may appear a thankless job for a normal human being. Even ability to acquire deeper wisdom, which is far more strategic, compared to information and knowledge, may not be sufficient. Simultaneously, ability to selflessly and passionately pursue, refine and apply this wisdom shall emanate from exceptional strength of character and deeper commitment. Even if certain actions that may appear morally indefensible, it may be unavoidable under certain circumstances to protect a larger entity. These actions must not be driven by any personal agenda or private profiteering. Yet these need to be carefully vetted and their efficacy for larger good has to be ensured before these are applied. Many of these may be difficult to explain and justify to masses as most of the latter may not possess sheer understanding of such issues that require access to highly complex wisdom. Hence, their secrecy may be necessary. This is what makes Statecraft a secret science of practitioners. Its
details are neither sufficiently known in the public nor can even be fathomed
by non-practitioners. It is difficult to visualise challenges, constraints and
opportunities in this sphere unless one has been deeply involved in the
same at least to some degree.
14. I have always argued that theoretical knowledge is
insufficient for an effective practice of this science that requires a little unique neural circuitry that must possess capacity for fast and dispassionate analysis and yet mental strength, calm and resolve to opt for the best course of action. This capacity can be developed only through practice but wide
academic and intellectual exposures, in right direction. Appropriate mental training is critical for comprehending even its
fundamentals and optimising one's own capacities. More one practices this science with sincerity and commitment, more one evolves. Real life situations and the world itself are laboratories for testing, refining and
perfecting ideas in this realm. Hence, an evolved practitioner in the science of statecraft is a combination of scholar, warrior and sage, albeit of a different shade. Every action that appears ethically indefensible has to be driven by considerations of larger good of society, state and even humanity. To ensure that liberty to deviate from certain norms is not reduced into personal license, a certain degree of checks must be kept on every practitioner of statecraft varying from rulers or top leaders to their close associates. Great states are expected to build a strong pool of practitioners of statecraft on a continuous basis to ensure permanent security and stability of their state and civilization. Any evolved extra-ordinary scholar or practitioner of statecraft who represents a rare convergence of attributes like sharp mind, accumulated wisdom, moral courage, psychological strength, exceptional commitment to one's state and civilisation and total incorruptibility or selflessness is a rare but necessary asset. This is especially so in post-colonial societies where subjugation over centuries have genetically altered neural circuitry of a vast majority of population to create self-seeking opportunists and survivalists out of them. There are multiple examples of such breed being attacked by adversaries to destroy their intellectual, cerebral and all-round capacities or render these irrelevant or even grab these. Clandestine killing of military and intelligence leaders may be driven by the objectives of demoralising the targeted states and their troops. But it also deprives of the targeted state of the continued access to wisdom and stewardship of such leaders, who play a crucial role. We have heard about clandestine or open assassination of high-end scientists but there may be many instances of similar covert attacks even on innovators in the realm of security and statecraft, which may never surface in media.
15. Statecraft is not always about what to do but it also about what not to
do. It has to be driven by deep understanding of mass psychology at one level and exceptional psychological strength where a strong state can never afford panic reaction. Very often, some of the smartest statesmen have been criticized over not acting in certain situations. It may be a form of tactical retreat. When and how to do certain things in the realm of statecraft is one of the most complex components of the larger science. This is what makes this science as something that is way beyond governance and administration by rules and laws. The latter requires higher level of consistency and minimal deviation. But in the realm of statecraft, consistency, uniformity and predictability are more likely to be counterproductive. At times it may be more desirable to let natural dynamics
of events take their own course but in multiple others, state intervention
requires deeper calibration and subtle preparatory measures to enhance
both the efficacy and acceptability of the intervention. Similar calibration may
be required on choice of instruments and quality of intervention. This cannot be invented every time and statesmen, or statecraft practitioners, are certain to fail if they start from scratch.
16. Hence, wisdom accumulated
over generations play extremely important role in efficacy and progressive evolution
of this science. But pre-existing principles and experiences may only be
a broad reference point and not necessarily the principal key to solving complex
challenges, most of which may be unique in multiple ways despite sharing
similarities with others. Hence, the best assets of this science are leaders
who have evolved through rigorous practice in multiple facets of statecraft
to acquire a deeper wisdom and yet retain an open mind. The practitioners of statecraft need a neural circuitry and psychological
conditioning that has to be different from the normal citizens. This is what enables them assess and anticipate unexpected and even difficult situations
and yet deal with these with utmost dispassion, perceptivity, integrity
and courage and that to at minimal human and material costs with minimal collateral damage.
17. Great states must select practitioners of statecraft
through a much more rigorous process and make them undergo sustained
conditioning. Capacities and wisdom in this direction get refined only
with deeper and wider exposure to challenging ventures, including minor failures and bigger success. Further, unless one is prepared to risk one’s
everything, including their lives, one can never delve deep in this science.
Most states, including great powers, have never practiced this science in
its purest form throughout their history. Many great powers have degenerated
and decayed due to their inability to evolve this science with passage of
time. It needs continuity and evolution. Stagnation more often leads to
degeneration. Errors, lapses, miscalculation and collateral damages, are
part of the process of evolution. But if these exceed a certain threshold
level, not only degeneration and decay but even collapse of great powers
become unavoidable.
State-Society Synergy
18. Security, including warfare, and governance, of both state and society,
have always shared a symbiotic relationship with each other. A delicate
equilibrium between the two is always dynamic. A setback, decay and
degeneration in either sphere is certain to invite setback or degeneration
in the other as well. Similarly, excellence and innovation in one
sphere have potential to drive the capacity in the other as well.
The details in this direction may vary, depending upon wider internal and
external realities, but the underlying principle remains eternal.
19. Most major
technological innovations of 20th century first surfaced in military domain
and yet it helped transform societies, improving plight of people. From
nuclear energy to maritime capacities to advances in space and rocket
science to super computers and quantum computing or semiconductors
and artificial intelligence to virtually every major innovation has dual use.
Integration of military, economics and technology has never appeared as
obvious as in the current era. Stronger military capacity of the United
States throughout 20th century has been sustained by its unparalleled
economic, technological, industrial and innovation prowess. Somewhat
comparable was the strength of United Kingdom in pre-second world war
era. Soviet Russia emerged a military power following the second world war
largely on strength of its industrial and economic prowess. But economic
and technological stagnation, on account of governance constraints, has made
its military power unsustainable. Despite retaining all nuclear capacities, current Russia remains only a pale shadow of what it was. Its inability to evolve and practice a dynamic science of statecraft alone is responsible for the same.
20. During the current era, China has integrated its economic, military, technological and governance prowess to an extent
that notwithstanding all the accumulated advantages of the United States,
it has emerged as a credible rival posing serious threat to global hegemony of the latter.
For example, China has surpassed the United States in the total number
of naval vessels in the sea. A spectacular increase in the civilian ship
building capacity alone has sustained, accelerated and multiplied China's capacity to
manufacture and innovate increasingly superior quality of Naval Vessels. But China’s rise in
civilian shipbuilding industry has been driven by exceptional surge in
Chinese domination of the global trade and commerce where China has
emerged as the largest manufacturer and seller of goods and buyer of
commodities. I am not offering data and table as the same are available in plenty on the web. Massive surplus generated by Chinese global commerce helps in
investment in R&D pushing the frontiers of technological innovation,
which helps drive innovation and capacity in both civilian and defence
manufacturing capacities.
21. Chia’s success in this direction emanates purely
from its governance and institutional reforms driven by deeper wisdom.
The details in this direction are far too complex, requiring more in-depth
deliberations, yet it would be sufficed to conclude that the Chinese model
of statecraft may not be perfect but that this point of time it has achieved
far higher levels of success in transforming overall strengths of its state
and society than any other model.
Optimisation of strength of society for a strong state is so important that
all contemporary theories of national security from 20th century onwards
have been emphasising upon quality of human resource as the foundation
of national security. We do not know with certainty if advancement of
technology and large-scale introduction of AI can replace most of the
human work force irrelevant. But till now major powers have prioritised
physical and psychological health of citizenry along with focus on
cognitive capacities and technical skills as long-term strategic ingredients
for optimising all round economic, military, technological and institutional
power of a state. A healthy, skilled and ethical workforce is critical for
optimising tangible and intangible strengths of a state.
22. But in absence of
societal cohesion, and overall security of society, advancement of wisdom
in governance of state and society, collective capacities of the work force
cannot be harnessed towards optimising national security. Simultaneously, in absence of conducive societal ecosystem, coercive
capacities may be insufficient to ensure effective pursuit of goals both in the realm of governance and security. This applies to virtually every sphere varying from health and education of citizenry, social trust and social cohesion, including
containment of crime, integrity of societal and state institutions or curb
on corruption or generation of gainful employment or even optimal security
of society as a whole. Hence, sagacity of statecraft warrants deeper
and yet tactful regulation of society through various direct and indirect
means, involving both open and discreet collaboration with the relevant
stakeholders like community, corporate and spiritual leaders.
23. While military prowess is simply not sustainable in absence of strong
economic, industrial and technological capacity and a wider culture of
innovation, standalone military victories are still proof of relatively sounder principles
of statecraft over the vanquished only if they are comparable or bigger powers. Military victory over a much smaller power, at an exorbitant human and material cost, is no indicator of sound military strategy or robust statecraft. Similarly, routine governance of economy and society, even
if these have led to spectacular prosperity and optimal social cohesion
are no guarantor of security of a state and society. Many advanced and
prosperous states have perished by overlooking existing and impending
internal contradictions or external geopolitical, security and strategic
challenges, or military threats and even ignoring economic, diplomatic and otherwise opportunities. Similarly, many robust military
powers have landed up depleting, disintegrating and eventually decimating
their own societies and people either through reckless and avoidable wars or poor strategies of warfare.
On the other hand, many prosperous states and advanced civilisations have periled
by neglecting the science of security and warfare. No great state and civilisation can afford to stay militarily unprepared even if there is no immediate and impending threat. There cannot be a better
example in this direction than that of pre-Islamic India that neglected
innovation in its war-waging capacities and geopolitical foresight. Though
there are multiple other examples, but Indians need to dispassionately
introspect that why a formidable civilisation and a string of robust states
on the subcontinent succumbed to marauding bands of raiders, invaders
and plunderers. The latter may have been adept in the art and science of irregular or guerrilla warfare through stealth, deception and
access to few technological innovations. But that is no justification for capitulation of an advanced state and civilisation like what the India was in pre-Islamic era.
24. As a major force or great civilisation, India needed strong
geopolitical heft to influence course of events way beyond its frontiers
and even faraway lands to prevent wars from approaching its territory. A great power can neither afford an inward-looking approach nor can it afford to be consumed by challenges of
internal security and stability.
While wars are important for security, sustenance and progress of any
great state and civilisation, in absence of right synergy among different
components of statecraft, over emphasis on war wreaks havoc for all
concerned. History has witnessed many powerful states with strong
military capacities destroying not only their rivals but also friends and
allies, before eventually depleting their own economic, societal and intellectual
capacities below the threshold level of sustainability. The most warring
states or valorous people from ancient Spartans to medieval Mongols,
could never leave behind a healthy and prosperous state or civilization. They had won many spectacular military victories, in multiple wars that were often too
brutal and violent in their context. But they never looked at in terms of sufficiently investing in society, cultural
and civilization, which form a crucial component of a state. A good statecraft harmonises all dimensions of life for continuity, stability and sustained advancement of a people. Focus and priorities keep changing depending upon the context.
Winning Wars: An Integral Component of Statecraft
25. Military defeats and external occupation substantially change course of
history and decimate societies and states and even psyche of their people comprehensively. This profoundly
alters evolutionary trajectory and even direction of states, societies and
civilisations. Many civilisational states have lost even their identity and
experienced serious alteration in values and ethos, that had kept them
together over time, as a consequence of major military defeat. Big military
defeat alters strategic culture of state where states lose its sense of self
belief and society experiences broader change in larger behavioural pattern
of people. People in general lose faith in ability and credibility of their
leaders and their systems both and their larger self- esteem.
26. Though we do not have adequate scientific data, but it would be clear
that the phenomenon of, what psychologists describe, neuroplasticity
must be inducing long-term anatomical changes over generations in DNA
of people of vanquished states and societies to create a substantially
defensive and somewhat defeatist or survivalist psyche, where larger
culture of individual integrity may become increasingly, but not universally,
unsustainable. Alternatively, a strong leadership if it succeeds, can reverse
the course of events quite significantly. War also has a strong unifying impact at least on substantial sections of society. It is also an opportunity to
bring the best out of people of a major state and society, if it escaped total
annihilation and decimation. This proposition is profoundly perceptible if
we analyse course of history of major civilisations. Detailed examples are
being avoided for sake of focus.
27. I have articulated principles and theories of war on quite a few occasions
both in my talks and papers, some of which are in public domain, over
the last 7-8 years. A major military debacle is symptom of a much larger
underlying problem with the principles and strategies of statecraft including
warfare. Hence, a minor setback suffered in war should be treated as a
feedback and opportunity to fix larger issues. A strong scientific culture of
statecraft shall always lead to avoidance of avoidable wars and when wars
become inevitable then victory in wars at sustainable human and material
costs. In fact, a robust state with a culture of an advanced science of statecraft decides and initiate a war, or deploys instruments, to win it at its own timing and choice. Capacities far bigger than tactical or even strategic intelligence may be required in this direction. While conventional and spectacular full-scale military
wars invite all round disasters, a short, swift and decisive war - at minimal human and material costs is always a smart war. A major power is expected to retain
capacity to anticipate and assess impending disasters and deal with the
same at minimal human material costs. A spectacular war with valorous human sacrifices is indicator of inherent strengths of a state. But for a large state, this is indicator of poor strategy of warfare.
28. I have identified and articulated five principles of war:
(i) A victory in war must achieve a clear tangible objective;
(ii) A war should be short, swift and decisive, especially in the current integrated, inter-connected and inter-dependent world (It implies that there has
to be extensive and smart military and intelligence preparations to
ensure early victory in war so that there is minimal disruption in
life and larger all-round progression of state and society);
(iii) A military war must always be fought on foreign territory (the
very fact that an adversary has succeeded in bringing the war on
home state, it reflects failure of statecraft, including governance,
strategy and intelligence; A war on home territory of state invites
large scale damages of civilian and even military infrastructure that can never be undone)
(iv) A war must be won at such material and human costs that must
be sustainable for the state waging the war; (a poorly fought war,
where victories are secured at exorbitant and unsustainable costs,
may also lead to consequences that may be comparable to defeat); and
(v) A war must foster social and national cohesion of the home state and create opportunities for economic, military and technological innovations and
advancements.
29. Hence, the science of statecraft has to focus on building not only the
finest possible strategies and capacities of warfare but also ways and
means to avoid, to the highest possible extent, catastrophic wars that can
potentially deplete a state. Wars and conflicts shall never ever become
completely avoidable because neither the world nor the human nature
is designed for the same. At times wars have to be fought and a smart
state has to stay prepared to fight all kinds of wars that are possible and
likely. The key is to fight these wars at minimal and sustainable costs and
consistently build finest possible capacities and strategies in this direction
in course of routine governance. Simultaneously, it is equally important
to anticipate different shades of warfare that are plausible at a given time
and context and staying prepared with finest strategies and capacities as
per right priorities. A sound principle of statecraft enables fusion of such
war winning capacities with larger principles and practices of regulation
and governance of state and society. But can this capacity of war winning
be acquired and gradually refined by simply academic reading or journalist
commentaries? I would say absolute No.
30. While there is no justification for war, a great state must regularly fight low
cost and high-impact smaller wars—for greater good of larger number of
people. This is the biggest laboratory for practical experiment of powerful
ideas, strategies and instruments in the direction of war winning as well as long term health of a state and society. These, in
the context of states and societies, require continuity and evolution over
generations. An impregnable defence for the core area of the state and its key
institutions is critical for the same. Similarly, far more effort, integrity and
commitment is required to protect and refine this science of statecraft
and warfare. A smarter science of statecraft pursues optimal fusion, with detailed complexities, in the science of governance and warfare. Capacities both in the sphere of governance and warfare must supplement each other.
31. In recent decades, nuclear deterrence has significantly minimised, but
not eradicated, incidences of large-scale conventional wars. But the
same period has witnessed a sharp rise in incidence of irregular and sub
conventional grey zone wars or proxy wars or even subversion where a
state uses secrecy, deception, stealth and corruption—either on its own of
through its clandestine or known affiliates- to take over key institution of an
adversary. It cripples and neuters not only overall economic development
and technological innovation but also key advancement in critical areas.
My concept paper on irregular warfare—though lacks any details or secret
information—has been read by thousands of experts globally. This only
reinforces the belief that nature of whole dimension of warfare has been
evolving. Its description can no longer be restricted to what is traditionally
known. The desired objectives of warfare can be achieved by secret and
non-military instruments whose details and practices can again more
discreet, subtle and difficult to detect. Ironically in this form of warfare,
key institutions and their incumbents can be deployed to harm security and
all-round advancement of any state. Open societies are particularly more
vulnerable to this. This form of warfare has particularly targeted high-end scientists, top military and security leaders and innovators, potential
statesmen or existing and potential leaders and innovators in any sphere of
security, warfare and high-end technology.
32. A larger ecosystem of corruption and poor integrity of institutions,
especially the criminal justice system, in a state provides perfect ecosystem
for external forces to wage this form of warfare. Ironically not only
states but even none-state entities are involved in subversion that has a
war-like consequences in the long run. At times principal perpetrators
of such subversive warfare like activities in certain sectors or certain
contexts are not external forces but domestic entities. Hence, integrity
and dynamism of domestic institutions of governance becomes critical
for defensive dimension of this warfare. But in absence of commitment
of key stakeholders of society to foster integrity of domestic institutions
alongside suitable and sustainable capacities to shape external ecosystem,
it is simply not possible to fight this war effectively.
Great States and Great Civilisations Must Expand
33. From the above flows another logical conclusion. A great power with
robust science of statecraft has to continuously expand. This need
not necessarily be in the form of territorial expansion. Cultural and
civilisational expansion also creates a ring of protection, notwithstanding
minor and occasional differences with neighbors, for the core state. We may never know
if this was the reason that India after Mauryan empire never focused
on territorial expansion with uniform laws and consistent enforcement
capacities. Spread of Buddhism offered an extended ring of protection for quite sometime, until the Hun and other external invasions, even though violent wars were not entirely missing. But these were never as catastrophic as what was witnessed subsequently. From later phase of Gupta rule, Indian subcontinent witnessed near total renunciation of civil service and professional internal governance apparatus, apparently due to absence of serious internal conflict, and moved towards a model that evolved into “Mansabdari” system. This is believed to have seriously disrupted the governance- security or civilian-military continuum. This is believed to have contributed in a big way in subsequent debacle of India in face of Mamluk-Mongol invasions.
34. Pre-Islamic India clearly enjoyed exceptional prosperity and all
round scientific and cultural advancement. One wonders if the process of decline in
the practice of India’s robust science of statecraft commence from there?
Otherwise India’s cultural footprint that is visible in the whole of South-East
Asia, which I have chosen to describe as Indo-Asia, would have been impossible without strong practice of a robust and yet a humanist shade of science of statecraft. We talk about temple of Angkorwat to profound Hindu-Buddhist
influence in Thailand to Ramayan, Ganesha and Buddhist lineage and culture of Indonesia to Buddhist and Yogic influence in Japan to even Hindu
Buddhist influence in large parts of even Central West Asia. These had preceded the Gupta era. Buddhism and Indian science of statecraft had apparently reached China during Han era itself, which had tried to resurrect these alongside Confucianism and Taoism. During Tang and Tsong era, Buddhism had reached its pinnacle in China. This was also the era when China was at peak of its material, cultural and technological advancement and societal peace and cohesion. Such expansion of global influence of India would have been impossible without practice of an outward
looking universalist science of statecraft. Such rise of state craft was possible only on the strength of sound
domestic governance apparatus at home. We find strong glimpses of the
same in Kautilyan works that have got translated from beginning of 20th
Century.
35. But global expansion of great powers that are racist and xenophobic does not necessarily lead to positive influence in all contexts. Over the last few centuries, Europeans
powers have spread all over the world. They have used a host of instruments
varying from trade, deception and subversive guerrilla warfare to colonise
and plunder nearly entire Asia and Africa and capture two vast continents of America, besides Oceania. Of course, they have built exceptional infrastructure in North Americas and Oceania but local population in these areas have paid an exorbitant human cost. I have dealt with this issue separately and described it as part of strategic psyche of pre-Enlightenment era of Europe. European colonisers were able to exploit gaps in the local systems and
institutions and succeeded in vanquishing most of Asia and Africa, barring China and Japan.
Colonial wealth drove not merely exceptional prosperity but also high-end
technological innovations. It is strange that internal social reform
movements that improved the quality societal space or social ambience within Europe, and later North America, failed to alter their exploitative outlook towards rest of the world. Yet there are significant sections of people within these societies and states who share a fairly strong universalist outlook towards rest the world. Yet there are also elements who are still driven by xenophobic hate towards the so-called outsiders and the rest of the world, making the entire equation quite complex. Despite all internal fights among
major Western powers until second world war, the current domination
of the United States led Western powers in economic, technological and
intellectual realms is a reality. It may be debated whether they attained
greatness by venturing out or their ventures to colonise rest of the world or their internal developments, including industry and enterprise of its people. Yet any contact or interface with other cultures and civilisations helps a state and civilisation emerge stronger. It depends entirely upon the larger equations. I shall avoid details in this direction. Yet it would suffice to state that Western outlook and civvilization had definitely emerged stronger out of contact with other civilisations but almost entire colonised world has suffered irreparable harm. Here, the blame should go to major powers over their deficient or poor statecraft. Even if China and other oriental powers challenge the West in future, principles of smart statecraft warrant that they find innovative ways and means to end this domination and yet build a mutually empowering equilibrium in larger interest of humanity and security of a stable global order in an increasingly integrated and interconnected world.
36. The
collective all-round domination of rest of the world by the Western powers probably reflected a stronger stability of their internal delicate balance among different components. Unlike Mongols and Mamluks, they managed to create a strong public infrastructure, governance model and multiple edifices for social, technological and intellectual innovations within their country. Their external expansion was driven by a higher quality of internal strategic equilibrium. In my opinion, a superior internal strategic equilibrium is not merely capable of driving superior equilibrium externally rather it needs progress and advancement of such external equilibrium so that its internal ecosystem can thrive and evolve. Life of a state, and especially a civilisation is much longer. It takes much longer time for consequences of negative or positive developments in the realm of statecraft to manifest themselves. A decline in this delicate internal equilibrium, beyond a certain threshold level, has been driving the United States to disrupt and damage the quality of external equilibrium as well. The example of Iran or even 9/11/ attacks on the United States have been cited as outcomes of severely flawed policies of the United States on these two issues. While rise of patriotic secular nationalism was interfered with in Iran in 1950s, the last half of 20th Century witnessed brazen promotion of Islamic radicalism to control Muslim majority societies at one level and cripple Musim minority large state like India.
37. On the other hand, China, that claims itself to be the longest continuous
civilisational state, got unified—sans Tibet, Xin Jiang, Inner Mongolia and
Manchuria—under Chin or Qin ruler Qin Shi Huang some time in 221BC,
almost a century after great Chandragupta Maurya and Kautilyan era.
This was hundreds of years later than the Mahajanpada era on the Indian
subcontinent. China has been steadily expanding since then in terms of
territory, notwithstanding some phases of setbacks and fragmentation in
between. Barring a brief era, China has never been colonised by external
forces, notwithstanding the hype built by Chinese leaders from Mao to Xi
Jinping over unequal treaties imposed by the West for almost a Century
from middle of 19th of Century. China has managed to build, preserve and refine a robust
science of statecraft, by its uniquely elitist culture. Yet it has lavishly used deception, secrecy and stealth as well as a degree of cruelty to resist any challenge to its stability. The cruelty and brutality with which workers, peasants and political opponents have been treated in China throughout its history may have very few parallels. Yet it has attempted to foster a culture of integrity
and excellence at least in a section of its civil service and military,
notwithstanding intermittent phases of decay and degeneration that have
always been followed by regeneration. One wonder if strength of China’s
strong culture of statecraft is manifest in its intermittent involvement in
low-cost conflicts and wars. It has steadily expanded and Sinicized people in territories that it has acquired over the centuries. Apart from its multiple other strengths, that vary from its advances in principles of warfare to governance of societies and capacities to throw up various shades
of philosophies since ancient times- viz.; Taoism, Confucianism and legalism etc- one of the China's biggest strengths, as a state, emanates from the oldest continuing tradition of civil service.
38. Chinese civil service may have had its own share
of imperfections and flaws and yet it has been largely merit based given the overall context. Of course, it has remained elitist in outlook because since the earliest times, members from aristocracy enjoyed preferential access to their civil service by sheer composition of society and the very recruitment process for this institution. But China has essentially been a highly elitist society and culture. Yet it is Chinese civil service that is believed to
have helped China consolidate its grip over territories that it has gradually
acquired in course of its expansion. It has used a process of total and comprehensive absorption of people of all newly acquired territories into the broader Han Chinese identity. There is huge data on web that suggests that in areas known as Xin Jiang or even Inner Mongolia, successive Chinese states have traditionally forced non-Han people to shun their existing identities, languages and practices to adopt Chinese social and behavioural practices. On the other hand,
even in current era, as China is surging economically, technologically,
industrially and militarily, it has expanded its global footprint and enjoys
profound influence on whole of Asia, Africa, parts of Europe and even
South America. There is an element of profound Chinese nationalism in Chinese presence or engagements beyond their borders. These have more often pushed local societies and states to a degree of subservience or even disguised exploitation. I have dealt with this aspect also separately.
39. A closer look suggests that the China's outward push has helped it virtually capture both markets and
resources in whole of Asia and Africa. It has brought in prosperity for
sections of local elite, especially in resource-rich states, but the Chinese companies have profited far more heavily from such ventures compared to dividends for the local population. Huge surpluses that have been generated from such uneven trades, have been funneled towards high
end technological innovations at costs that may be substantially lower than what the United States may be investing in for similar innovations. These innovations in turn have contributed to technological advancements in both civilian and military industrial capacities. Simultaneously, China’s Naval superiority and its
control over a string of dual use ports all over the world have enhanced its
world-wide economic influence in a manner that can be quickly harnessed or transformed into military domination of at least most of Asia and Africa. Some of its advanced weapon
systems, including high end precision strike hypersonic missiles to 6th, and
potentially 7th, generation jets to burgeoning Naval prowess and a series of Information, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) systems make it a real
possibility. In recent history, there may not be any parallel where an emergent power
has devised such complex, detailed and integrated approach to bolster its
all-round institutional capacities at home and expand its economic,
technological and military influence globally. China has upgraded its
enforcement capacities at home to not merely all-round transformation
of its cities, states and population over the shortest possible time but has also attempted to alter behavioural patterns of people to create more disciplined society. It has taken recourse to coercive and enforcement route to drill in a culture of good behaviour on individuals to build a social trust and cohesion, which is expected to build a momentum of its own. Its introduction of social
credit systems by observance of good behaviour through a rigorous mechanism
of surveillance is a novelty. While this is going to make people more
disciplined at home, it has exported surveillance capacity to its friendly regimes
in such resource-rich pockets. This has helped it build a near monopolistic access to both commodities and markets in such states by propping up a vassal like regime. The entire process and mechanism may appear quite complex to make these sustainable.
40. A lot of details are already available about Chinese accomplishments
in high-end technological breakthroughs and their deployment in both military and civilian industrial spheres. Specific details are being avoided
in this direction but at this pace American or Western military and
industrial domination of the world may no longer remain a permanent feature. While emergence
of China as a suitable countervailing force to US hegemony must help
overall security quotient of the world but there is an apprehension that
this may not necessarily be so. What is worrying that the very societal
and strategic psyche of this emergent super-power is such that it may seek to push most of Asia and Africa to total subservience. Dawn of a new form
of colonisation, driven by expanding gap in technological capacities, for the rest of the world may become unavoidable. A degree of relative sclerosis
in Western governance systems and capacities at one level and extremely
sub-optimal all-round rise of India is likely to further offer a bigger space
for China’s unrestrained expansion. Yet China has its own internal issues. A culture of deception, distrust and fear - grilled in the Chinese psyche by successive dispensations over millennia - has the potential to induce a major implosion at some point if the economic and social transformation is not negotiated carefully. This has been part of Chinese history every few centuries notwithstanding its exceptional continuity otherwise. But any such recurrence in the prevailing global equations shall have much wider ramifications due to extensive interface that China enjoys with the rest of the world.
Section-II
INDIA: Need to Move Towards Indocracy
41. India has been a wonder once upon a time and it continues to remain
one even now. Though neither us nor world may be fully aware of India's civilizational roots
and its entire evolutionary journey as a civilisation and state. But it has been
marvelled even now for exceptional all-round advancement that it had
attained way back in ancient past in economics, agriculture, commerce,
science, mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, art, architecture, town
planning, warfare and governance etc in an era when substantial component
of humanity was still grappling with challenges of survival amidst hazards and threats posed by the forces of
nature or sheer urge for domination, subjugation and enslavement among races, tribes and ethnicities. In ancient Indian systems, even rulers had no discretionary powers as per texts like
Kautilyan Arthashastra, which was seeking to only resurrect some of the
core principles and values of prevvious era. Each of their actions were to
be driven by the highest quality of wisdom and integrity as advised by the Council of Ministers. Ruler was only allowed to express his or her opinion, but its merit was to be deliberated upon dispassionately and views of
Council Ministers were mandatory and not advisory (V R Ramachandra Dikshitar; The Mauryan Polity; University of Madras, 1932 Pages 115-119, P-134). No other state and
civilization - especially Greece, Rome and China- may have developed and practiced such levels of scientifically
humanist shade of statecraft in its context. This is what explains profound strength of ancient India’s science of statecraft which manifested itself in the form
of strong civilisational and cultural footprint in whole of Asia, especially
South East Asia.
42. India’s sustenance as a distinct and yet a substantially humanist civilisation
and a democratic state, despite centuries of external occupation, brutally
xenophobic assaults and colonial plunder, demonstrates its enormous
resilience, strengths and potentials. Yet, as a society, state and civilisation, we
have faced formidable distortions, degenerations, injuries and constraints
amidst multiple efforts to resurrect its soul. Yet there is no parallel in
human history of any state with such humongous diversity, constraints
and challenges sustaining an open and competitive political system and
yet doing fairly well despite visibly dysfunctional governance systems
and multiple institutional contradictions. But at the same time, India’s limitless potentials
and capacities appear remain trapped under weight of these formidable
challenges and constraints. There is still belief in sections of Indians
and non-Indians that India’s eternal civilisational values still hold potential to influence and shape the world for collective betterment
of entire humanity. This is possible by integrity and credibility of actions and not merely words. In this direction, India must commence by taking suitable measures to
transform both its society and state.
43. India’s ability to influence and shape the larger global order in the same way
as China or the West is beyond the realm of possibility in the foreseeable
future or at least this century. India has substantially lost the race for potential super-power
status, in traditional sense, over the past five decades. This is largely due
to absence of commensurate innovations and initiatives in direction of
comprehensive optimisation of all its potentials and capacities through
a scientific framework of statecraft. This is despite the fact that India in
2025 is much stronger than what it had been in 2000 or 1975 or 1950 on
most parameters of governance and national power- including economic,
military, technological capacities and national cohesion or even overall
global standing.
44. What happens in future, no one can predict with certainty, yet genuine
statesmen and high-quality practitioners can still influence and shape the course of further evolutionary journey of India both as a state
and civilisation. However, Indian state and society have to explore and
attempt something far bigger than tactical or piecemeal or standalone
modifications in sphere of governance and security.
There has to be a scientific and sincere attempt to aggregate, coordinate
and fuse all relevant wisdom and institutions to create a model of
governance and security that is driven by the highest principles of integrity and wisdom as manifest in India’s
ancient statecraft, with its eternally humanist goals, and yet backed up with
most scientific instruments and strategies, including the institutional structures, practices
and processes.
Philosophy of Indocracy
45. In my multiple write ups in
public domain, I have spelled out pursuit of restructuring of institutions,
modification in processes and all-round conditions for optimisation of
three interdependent levels of mutually empowering harmony as the
eternal goals of this model of statecraft. These include:
(i) Optimisation of Harmony within individual; viz., optimisation
of physical, cognitive and psychological capacities, as well as
technical, professional, social and spiritual strengths with a
sustainable synergy among all;
(ii) Optimisation of Harmony between individual and society at
one level and society and state on the other; and
(iii) Optimisation of Harmony Between Man and Nature
46. From the above three principles, flow all the pursuits of finest principles of statecraft. In absence its unique physical and neuroanatomy or proper focus on physical, cognitive, technical, emotional and spiritual capacities, humans might have remained like any other wild and barbaric apes. It is unique anatomy of human brain and the way it has evolved over centuries and millennia that has made humans a distinct species that is far superior to the rest of the living beings on this planet. Further, humans
have advanced from barbaric apes to congenial creatures by building
trust at a larger level to innovate families, communities and societies
and innovated states and yet forged collaboration even among states for
betterment of human lives at a wider scale. While the process has not been
unilinear and smooth, any further advancement in this direction shall be
possible by building genuine conditions that foster trust, collaboration and
competition. In pursuit of these, the proposed vision of Indian statecraft
or Indocracy envisions substantial transformation of social, political,
economic and intellectual soil India and beyond where every individual is able to optimise the quality of physical, cognitive, psychological, technical
capacities, social and spiritual capacities. This will bolster not only quality
of their individual existence but also their ability to build a more meaningful bridge family,
community and society. Simultaneously, in absence of conducive familial,
social and community environment that is free from negativity and yet
helps access to certain threshold level needs, no individual can optimally
evolve, thrive and associate with the wider world.
47. While it is easier to say but huge
innovations are required to generate a mutually empowering synergy
between individual and society where both empower each other. We have
discussed state and society energy earlier and compared to the Western
capitalist model that subscribes to minimal interference of state in society,
Indocracy envisions neither under regulation nor over-regulation. The
finer details of state society equilibrium have to vary in each context as per
time and details need scientific innovations.
48. Similarly, man-nature harmony
and climate peace is being deliberated and pursued at multiple levels. Primary reason for absence of substantial progress in this direction emanates from lack of larger cohesion
among human race and wider environment of social trust and empathy. Different states and strata of society are believed to be seeking to extract a larger and unfair share from the deal and make lesser adjustment. This is believed to have impeded optimal progress in this idrection. Indians have a tendency to dismiss
man-nature harmony by stating that they have been following this for
ages. Harmony with nature does not mean rituals and worship of nature.
It rather implies an equation with nature where neither submits to vagaries
of nature nor defiles and damages nature. There has to be pursuit of more
scientific wisdom and sincere effort to identify and respect the boundaries
of interference with nature. None of the three levels of harmonies can
be pursued in isolation with each other and very attempt to pursue these
levels of harmonies is going to drive all advancements in civility of human
race. State, governance and military prowess is required only as an effective
vehicle for pursuit of these goals.
Specific Goals and Priorities of Governance
49. The following have been identified as concrete issues as part of pursuit of
the identified vision of Indocracy:
(i) Optimising health, education and technical skills of citizenry and
harnessing the same for comprehensive empowerment of state
and society;
(ii) Optimising Integrity and Efficiency of Executive, Legislature and
Judiciary;
(iii) Effective Management of Whole Range of Security and
Geopolitical Issues;
(iv) Technological Innovations;
(v) Greater Alignment of Economic Enterprise With Comprehensive
Economic Advancement;
(vi) Curb and Containment of Corruption; and (vii) A Comprehensive Transformation
Health, Education and Skills of citizenry
50. India has probably the toughest challenge on this planet in terms of building
the quality of its human resource. While a gainfully employed healthy
population can be boon but a large unhealthy, unskilled and unemployed
population is the biggest vulnerability of nation. India ranks at 130 out of
193 countries on Human Development Index parameters (Human Development Report 2025 | Human Development Reports). A significant
section of population faces impaired physical and cognitive capacities
as the percentage of stunted growth among children has varied among
30 to 40 percent during this century. Similarly, challenges in educational
infrastructure as well as learning ability are well documented. What India
needs is universal access to healthcare, with focus on prevention of
diseases and optimisation of quality of physical and cerebral capacities.
Though India has introduced right to Education but the curricula of
education must equip every child with right attributes, skills and values
that create a responsible citizen out of each of them who can enrich and
empower society both through their humane virtues and professional/
technical skills. Hence, it is not important that every citizen gets access
to gainful employment, as per their aptitude and ability or skills, but state
has to ensure that such employment contributes to overall tangible and intangible strengths of society. A serious transformation in this direction
appears impossible without serious transformation in entire governance
apparatus, especially at the district and village/municipal levels.
Integrity and Efficiency of Political Systems
51. While political systems in all democracies are facing serious crises, but the
challenges faced by India appears profound and unique and yet not easily
detectable. Even a suggestion of reform in this sector is likely to face
tough resistance. Legislature in a healthy state is expected to obtain finest
ideas from society and transform these into concrete and yet viable pieces
of legislation, that may be suitable in each context, to optimise strengths
of individuals, societies and states. There is a serious doubt whether
legislature of India consists of people who have the optimal will, capacity
and intent to pursue the same. Very often there has been a criticism
that entire political space of India has been cartelised, and significantly
criminalised, by self-seeking cliques and cartels who appear backed by
opaque and invisible forces. Now the culture of subversion has magnified
but this is the primary force that has been subverting integrity of all
institutions with help of pliable incumbents in civil service and judiciary
and possibly so many others from opaque and invisible world. This has
crippled optimal rise of India in all spheres.
52. There has often been a
suggestion that with lack of transparency in political funding, corruption has become the
lifeblood, or at least the grease that moves wheels, of Indian politics. There
is an increasing perception that instead of people getting the best options
to elect their own representatives, powerful individuals backed by powerful
forces are able to extract people’s votes and snatch their will. Political mobilisation in name of caste and relgion have pushed the governance, security and rule of law on back burner. The entire phenomenon has impaired comprehensive and optimal rise of India as a state and civilisation. Hence, it is more important that
India carries out a major innovation in this direction in defence of both its democracy as well as its civilisational identity. Our systems require inbuilt instruments that prevent people's representatives from acting as rulers and
royalty or masters of people. It must compel them to act as representatives or servants of collective
will of the people. People must get an opportunity to select the worthiest,
irrespective of their identity, for the sole purpose of providing the best
possible legislation. While an encyclopaedia shall also be insufficient to
identify challenges in this sphere and make recommendations, following
concrete moves are likely to multiply integrity and efficiency political
systems manifold:
(i) Segregate political parties who can contest elections at the centre
and state and make the elections at district levels party-less; Parties
contesting elections at centre must be barred from contesting
elections of legislative assemblies and similarly state level parties
should be barred from contesting elections for national parliament.
Similarly different sets of groups or units, unaffiliated with state
or national level parties should contest village/municipal/district
level polls.
(ii) Let there be not more than 3-5 recognised parties at the centre
that can contest parliament elections and similarly let there be
not more than 3 -4 recognised political parties that can contest
polls for state assemblies; district and panchayat/municipal level
elections to stay completely party-less or new groups can come up
at each time but none should be recognised.
(iii) A firm full tenure of five years, or any identified duration,
should be allowed for every Govt/governing entity following an
election. No Confidence Motion should be alloweded only on grounds of specific
grave offences, and not for replacement of one set of people by
another, to ensure smooth governance over the full tenure and
eliminate space for horse-trading that has been the biggest source
of corruption and subversion of all our institutions;
(iv) There should be no more than one tenure at a time for positions
like Zilla Parishad Chiefs, Chief Ministers and even Prime Minister
to eliminate space for monopolisation of power as there is no
likelihood of dearth of talent in this direction in a country of our
size; Introduction of a cooling off period of ten years for any
individual who competes for the next tenure at the helm at any
level; Similarly, the consecutive tenures for Ministers or equivalents
can be reduced to not more than two or three;
(v) To ensure continued access to wisdom and experience of a
Prime Minister, he or she should be automatically nominated
as cross bencher in the Rajya Sabha, where he or she can
express his or her opinion on issues in a bi-partisan manner; the proposed arrangement shall bring in unprecedented dignity and
credibility to the highest executive position in the country, and
bolster national self-esteem, where incumbents can rise above all
pressure and greed to work in the best interest of the society and
state.
(vi) Similarly, following completion of a tenure as Head of a State
Govt, an incumbent should be nominated to State Legislative
Council in role of a senior statesperson unless he or she chooses
to move to national politics/parliament or any other pursuit on
his/her own volition.
(vii) The tenure for President/Head of a political party should be
restricted to one and under no condition more than two terms and a
cooling off period of ten years may be introduced for the next
stint;
(viii) There must be complete ban on succession of leadership either
in the government or within a political party from one blood
relationship to another, irrespective of merit and talent for
ensuring larger credibility and integrity of systems and prevention
of private ownership of national and political institutions of the
country for private gains; There may be a similar cooling off period
of ten years period as the most talented individuals can contribute
through any position other than top as well.
Note: The above measures are likely to at least reduce the space for
cartelisation or private ownership or gaming of political system
of the country as well as subversion of India’s political system
for private enrichment/crony capitalism as well as promotion
of agenda of foreign powers, by undermining integrity of
institutions/rule of law or fair competition in the markets.
(ix) Introduction of stringent criteria of experiences may be
introduced for contesting elections at state assembly level and
national parliament level, while elections at local level may be kept
open to all without any criteria anyone;
(x) Only those who have served at least one full tenure as member of
state assembly or at top/senior most management level in a mega
institution or earned an international/national level distinction in
some sphere should be eligible to contest parliament level polls;
and similarly only those who have served at least one tenure at local
level bodies or as middle level functionary in at least state/national
level entity or earned international/national/state level recognition
in any sphere should be eligible to contest State Assembly polls.
(xi) There should be a limit on maximum numbers of continuous
tenures like four to five or six for membership of every legislative
body at a particular level to prevent monopolisation of political
space and promote free and fair competition;
(xii) Since the highest form of people’s representation is required at
village, block and district level, there should be no eligibility on
who can contest party-less polls at this level; It shall again be
desirable that no candidate becomes Zila Parishad Chief during
first tenure itself;
(xiii) There should be total ban on political parties creating their own
proxies in student politics and trade unions to protect larger social
cohesion and prevent social divide on political lines;
(xiv) Total ban on political mobilisation on lines of caste and religion
and similarly all religion and caste based parties must be banned in
the interest of national and social cohesion;
(xv) Innovation beyond Westminster model where legislators get to
only oversee functioning of specific ministries/departments as
watchdog of people and not as administrative head of the same
with right to interfere in the decisions in collusion with civil
servants to subvert their integrity;
(xvi) Drastic reduction in election costs and ban on all road shows that
seek to psychologically overwhelm people; Total ban on use of
any state resource for direct or indirect election campaign by any
minister of the govt;
(xvii) streamline internal structures and processes of political parties to
throw up high quality ideas and bona-fide leaders; Every political
party to act as a public trust whose membership and leadership
roles should be duly open to worthy leaders capable of contributing
to governance and not merely winning elections;
(xviii) Ban on party hoppers changing political parties for contesting
polls; and
(xix) Freedom to all legislators to vote on the basis of their conscience
and public interest, except on money bill which should be discussed
at appropriate forum;
Integrity and Output of Civil Service
53. In absence of an effective, accountable and professional civil service
in any modern state, a piece of legislation or wider rules and laws shall
remain largely aspiration and wishful thinking. India may boast of some
of the most talented civil servants and yet it may be one of the most
unprofessional civil service. India has continued with a colonial era civil
service which is designed to control a country and not facilitate its optimal
progress. Indian civil service, of latte has been reeking under weight of
corruption, entitlement and inefficiency. It is high time, India drastically
modifies the structures of civil service at every level. While there have been
many voices calling for abolition of this “relic” of British Raj but Indian
civil service has its own strengths and what is required is professionalising
it as per the current context and priorities by retaining some of its core
strengths but infusing much higher quality of competition to infuse
greater excellence and innovation. Following are some of the carefully
thought-out and extensively consulted recommendations that could be the
beginning point for larger reforms in this sphere:
(i) Replacement of generalist civil service by specialist civil service
because the very idea of leadership in every profession has
changed in the current competitive era where deeper technical
understanding of each professions/domain is critical for providing
optimal quality of leadership;
(ii) All recruitments to be based on specific requirements of a
profession/job-content in each sector on the basis of aptitude,
interest, commitment of an applicant in that sector; While general
common contents of one common examination may be retained
for recruitment to all services, simultaneously evaluation of
specialist content and aptitude should also be introduced for each
service;
(iii) (While all direct recruits to All-India and Central Services must
be kept on a fast track of promotion but everyone must rise from
the lowest executive level for deeper professional commitment
and knowledge; Elimination of the current arrangement of
para-jumping at the top as no examination and training in itself
is sufficient to prepare any individual for a leadership level
role without deeper exposure and experience of rising in any
professional stream;
(iv) All professional leaders in all wings of civil service must evolve
through a process of rigorous evaluation of their performance
on both professional and leadership parameters; Lower level
promotion may be driven on the basis of output on professional
parameters but as they start evolving, the promotions must be
dictated increasingly on their output as leaders but professional
criteria must not be eliminated entirely;
(v) There should be greater focus on quality of efforts and their
net outcome on priority areas to make a difference in goals of
governance;
(vi) Elimination of all superfluous ranks, structures and processes that
contribute very little;
(vii) Control of governance at district level must be vested with
elected representatives of the people and existing incumbents in
the posts like DMs/DCs should be reasonably experienced civil
servants, who can act as professional CEOs of District and act
both as complementing and countervailing force against elected Head of local governments and their collective contribution in
enhancement in quality of governance should be measured and
reflected accordingly;
(viii) Drastically reduce frills and invisible benefits and space for
underhand dealings and pay civil servants well to create high end
professional leaders out of them.
Integrity, Efficiency and Accountability of Judiciary:
54. No society and state can ever attain greatness if it is infested with large
scale disputes and litigation. Judicial incompetence is only going to create
a spiral of such disputes and litigation that may kill vigour and vitality of
an entire society. Ideally in a great society and state, judiciary should be
focused more on prevention, pre-emption and deterrence of crime and
disputes. Judiciary is the ultimate and final bastion of state in a democratic
set up where unlawful ills and wrongs, either against an individual and
institution, can be remedied. While, it is impossible for judiciary to
intervene and act in each instance of illegality and injustice, it is expected
to deliver such exemplary judgments that must deter crime.
55. A sluggish,
incompetent and expensive judicial process is like a noose tied around
neck of a society that can eventually strangle and choke a society to death.
Simultaneously, there are many credible indicators that some of the
global deep states and their clandestine strategic affiliates in the world
of organised crime or corruption networks have drastically subverted
integrity of judiciary and entire criminal justice system in many major
developing nations as part of their respective agendas. There is increasing
perception even in India our judicial system is neither efficient nor
transparent. Besides, there is almost zero accountability of higher
echelons of judiciary to any quarter of Indian society. Corruption and
incompetence in judiciary has been conceded by no less than a retired
Chief Justices of India. This institution too needs drastic overhaul from
recruitment and orientation to instill not only wisdom of law but also
values and ethos like integrity, courage and character. This is impossible
in the current mechanism. Simultaneously, the judicial processes need
large scale simplifications for better comprehension and clarity over matters for delivery of deterrent verdicts.
56. If judiciary delivers high quality
judgments in time to build a culture of rule of law by deterring possible
offenders in any sphere, the cohesion and trust quotient in a society shall
multiply manifold. In this way, Indian judiciary or cartelization of justice
has appeared the single most factor that has crippled vigour, vitality and
resilience of India as a state and society. Following are some of the well
thought out recommendations that could be beginning points for large
scale reform of this institution:
(i) An all-India service like recruitment for higher echelons of
judiciary from High Court onwards; Potential recruits must be
tested on the basis of their deep knowledge, innovative and sharp
mind besides strength of character, courage and integrity;
(ii) Similarly recruits at District and lower rungs of judiciary may
be recruited by states on professional, psychological and ethical
criteria;
(iii) All recruits at every level must be subjected serious training that
must transform and suitably prepare them to needs of the largest
democracy of the world;
(iv) All promotions must be based on quality and volume of judgments
delivered;
(v) Institution of Judicial Accountability Commission to prevent
abuse of privileges; Any corruption in Judiciary must invite capital
punishment and confiscation of all legitimately earned assets and
materials;
(vi) Suitable measures to alleviate any possibility of financial and
physical insecurity of judges; and
(vii) Simultaneous reforms in police and investigative institutions
as police and judicial systems share a symbiotic association for
defence and protection of rule of law.
Security and Geopolitics
57. While every dimension of statecraft is closely interlinked with each other,
security and geopolitics are probably more integrated with each other even though the two cannot be delinked with larger capacities in all other
dimension of governance and national power. In the statecraft section
of this paper, certain eternal principles of warfare have been discussed,
which remain relevant under all conditions. India as a state has to change
its psyche that it shall fight only defensive war when it is attacked. It is
reiterated that it is failure of statecraft, when a major power is attacked or
provoked by a minor power. A great power must not merely appear
to pursue peace but it must genuinely do so because it has much bigger stake in peace. Comprehensive advancement of its people, society and state are critically dependent upon an ambience of peace and security. Hence,
at times war may become indispensable for pursuit of reshaping the
larger geopolitical landscape or equations for sake of sustainable peace.
58. A large state must
continuously build capacities and stay prepared to fight offensive wars on
foreign soil if the same is required for reshaping geopolitics to ensure its sustainable security. But such wars have to be fought only for winning
and according to same principles as outlined earlier. Innovative approach
offers big space for rejig of tactics and strategies to meet unexpected
situations. But continuous shaping and reshaping of external geopolitics is
a critical component of national security for a large state.
While multiple technical details on military security that are available in
open domain do not require deliberation in this paper, it is sufficient
emphasize that we need more innovation to push complementarity
among economic, technological and human resource prowess. We cannot
definitely wait to gain parity with some super power and yet we cannot
afford a miscalculation. The very realisation that military power is not
sustainable on its own and it is often not sufficient to accomplish goals of
sustainable security, should push innovation in governance and security.
Hence, all shades of sustainable instruments of security are required to
reinforce both defensive and offensive capacities of Indian state.
Comparative military strengths of major nations have been analysed and
evaluated to assess respective strengths of major powers, and Indian Govt
has undertaken a series of moves to bolster military capacities, following
general points (whose details are being held back) need deliberation and
follow up action:
(i) Continuous refinement of all round military capacities by factoring
in real and potential threats and challenges;
(ii) Military should always accurately assess and anticipate real and
potential threats and stay prepared for both offensive and defensive
ventures through a delicate balance in its priorities;
(iii) While a strong military is an existential necessity for India that
faces two pronged threat, India’s relative constraints on economic,
industrial and technological fronts, calls for much sharper
manoeuvring and prioritisation in the interim, without losing focus
on long term strategy and requirements;
(iv) Sustained multiplication military capacities through greater
synergy with diplomacy and intelligence, alongside its own internal
integrations to pursue a proactive strategy;
(v) Sharper and stronger innovation to bolster indigenous R&D and
manufacturing capacities to bridge the gap between hardware
requirements and availability;
(vi) Focus on building appropriate institutional capacities to win and
deter irregular wars—including insurgency, terrorism, organised
crime and subversion- not only on Indian soil but even beyond our
borders. In this connection my paper captioned “Understanding
and Tackling Irregular Wars” which must be one of the most
well-read papers in this category, offers a deeper insight. For better
appreciation, following is stated:
• It will be impossible for India to peacefully co-exist with Pakistan in foreseeable unless the idea of Islamic radicalism is completely
decimated through tactful use of a variety of instruments at a
sustainable and negligible costs;
• Terrorism is an act of war and not a law and order problem;
• Without organised crime and subversion of sections of Indian state and society, it was impossible for terrorism to sustain in this part of the world;
• India needs multi-pronged super-tact driven strategy perfected
by successful practitioners and not academic polemics to ensure
terminal decline and extinction of Military-Mulla complex in
Pakistan and this subcontinent and beyond (Some details are available in the above referred papers but many are held back);
• Leadership of Pakistan military being a comprador entity has no stake in long term security and peace in Pakistan;
• Pak military has always ensured its relevance for super powers, to varying degrees, by its ability to act as their strategic tool in so many
murky domains as well as its so-called ability to keep India under
check; hence for more innovation may be required to eradicate this
nuisance without depleting undue energies.
59. India has all the reasons to be cautious and alert on account of
enhanced uncertainty and volatility in the global security environment.
An unpredictable Trump has administered major geopolitical shocks.
China under a super ambitious Xi Jinping is always difficult to trust.
Besides India’s two largest and both nuclear armed major neighbours—
Pakistan and China-have consistently threatened its sheer existence,
albeit in different forms and with varying degrees of intensity, by using
stealth, deception and subversion. Recent instances of regime change
through street violence in three smaller Asian states, who have been
more like outposts of national security of India, is also worrying. Very
often it is stated that mass turbulence in immediate neighbourhood
of a big power is reflective of weakness in principles and practices of
statecraft of such a power. Hence, India needs innovative capacities
to ensure stability, security and dominance of pro-India forces in this
region alongside eradication of cancerous character of Pakistan. This
is neither going to be possible by cheque book diplomacy nor military
means.
Technological Innovations
60. India has to undertake extra ordinary measures to create a larger ecosystem
to bolster its capacities in the realm of high-end cutting edge technologies
like quantum computing, artificial general intelligence, nanotechnologies,
robotics, wide range of biotechnologies and gene editing etc, 5G and
other high-end telecommunication technologies. A lot of information
is available on the web in this realm. While some of the Western
states, especially United States always had a stronger base of advanced
technologies, alongside highly skilled manpower and overall infrastructure,
including some of the best institutions and universities, China has built an
integrated capacity, which is constantly getting better. An abnormal gap
with the two most powerful super powers is going to not only further
cripple comprehensive rise of India but may seriously jeopardise security
of state and society by bringing in unexpected situations. Hence, India has
to build on its strengths by creating a network of excellence among some
of its existing and emerging institutions and fostering talent, which may
involve restraining brain drain and getting back some of its best talents
from overseas.
Economic Enterprise and Comprehensive Economic
Advancement
61. Despite India’s surge in terms of gross GDP, India remains one of the
poorest nations in terms of per capita income. On most HDI parameters,
India compares with parts of sub Saharan Africa. Yet it has unusually
high number of billionaires for the size of its economy with top 1%
Indians controlling 40% of national wealth (https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/new-updates/1-hold-40-wealth f inancial-analyst-says-income-gap-in-india-now-worse-than-under-british-rule/ articleshow/122202319.cms#:~:text=India%E2%80%99s%20top%201%25%20 now%20control%2040.1%25%20of%20the,a%20recent%20analysis%20by%20 research%20analyst%20Hardik%20Joshi; as accessed on Oct 31, 2025). Another worrying aspect
is negligible investment by India’s corporate sector in R&D and most of
their wealth emanates from trading and services. In absence of robust
industrial capacity and capacity to high end innovations, India needs to
ensure that unrestrained and deficiently regulated private sector becomes a genuine partner in the process of governance and building national
power.
62. On the other hand, overwhelming majority Chinese companies
that have driving spectacular rise of China are public sector companies.
Unlike private sector companies, they have been using their deeper pocket
in fundamental research which has enabled them not merely bridge the
gap with United states but also forge ahead in many critical areas. Hence,
more serious and sustained restructuring is required to harness the
strengths of market economy and competition to drive excellence and yet
build on strengths of high-performing some of the PSUs in critical areas.
Simultaneously, enterprises and ventures that contribute to genuine and
strategic economic empowerment need careful encouragement and many
others that are driven by avoidable consumer demands but act as drain
on national resources require serious discouragement. In contemporary
era, we cannot afford to either survive or grow in isolation and hence a
proactive and strategic approach is needed alongside smart tactics to scale
over challenges in this direction.
Scientific and Systemic Curb and Containment of Corruption
63. While corruption has emerged as the universal challenge but it appears to be the biggest bane in most of the major developing nations.
While total eradication of corruption may be nearly impossible anywhere in the world
but probably it may not be as rampant and as widely prevalent and yet normalised as we
find in India. In fact, corruption has been somehow mainstreamed in
this country and it is beyond capacity of existing institutions of criminal
justice system to even dent these. It has been widely stated that if 5 to 10
percent or even 20 percent people are corrupt in a society, probably they
are a malignant lot. But when 95 to 100 percent of elite in a society are
believed to be corrupt, probably the very system of governance is flawed.
64. Very often, one comes across assertions that corruption has been fused in
Indian psyche, Indian DNA and Indian systems as part of geopolitical and
covert war agenda of powerful external forces. While, one can appreciate
that corruption is not a moral and ethical issue and the entire country
should not be converted into a prison. Yet the stakeholders of India must
appreciate that corruption sucks the life blood of a society even though it
may enrich few. This may be the only factor that explains India’s relatively lackadaisical performance on all parameters governance over the last five
decades compared to China.
64. Hence, instead of addressing it as a stand
alone problem, a total and comprehensive restructuring of institutions has
been recommended. Our systems have to provide appropriate space for
legitimate enrichment of individuals at one level and deny more space
for hidden or obvious entitlements. Besides, leaders in politics, corporate
sector and civil service need to live an austere life for sake of nation
building and set an example as healthy role model. Courts may never be
able to detect each and every instance of big corruption. Hence, it is more
important that instead of generating an environment of fear, courts award
most exemplary punishment to few to deter the most. The “charity” must
begin from home for judiciary in this direction.
A Comprehensive Transformation.
65. India needs a comprehensive transformation of entire edifice of its
institutions and social ambience for sake of its survival and evolution
instead of waiting for a bigger disaster to strike. India needs a spectacular
transformation in its governance capacity, which is not possible without serious
restructuring of its institutions. Indocracy is not about what India had been in the past
but about how can India optimise collective strengths of its people and harness these
towards building stronger security and governance capacity under a democratic political
dispensation. These are definitely not being presented as final words of wisdom. The
objective of this work is to initiate larger discussion with candour and integrity.
**************************************
PS: This is truncated version of a book that was hacked in late 2019 and completely wiped out. This part has been recollected from memory. Instead of going through an arduous and painful process of publication of a book, I have chosen to place some of these ideas in open domain but I continue to hold back many detailed concepts of Indocracy.
