Maha Shivratri: Spiritual and Civilisational Significance

I write this blog from my own perspective of "Indocracy,". I see it as an all-encompassing evolved science of statecraft envisaging eternal synergy between society and state, individual and society and man and nature. Indocracy is not about claiming India’s political or moral superiority or praising the current model of Indian democracy or Hindu belief systems or even attempting to resurrect the so-called golden era of the past. It is more about moving towards future with superior, better integrity and self-awareness and higher quality of self-belief.

  As we celebrate Maha Shivratri—the Great Night of Shiva—on the fourteenth night of the waning moon in the month of Phalguna (February–March) in the Sanatan calendar, it becomes meaningful to reflect more deeply on its spiritual, social, philosophical, and cultural dimensions. Traditionally, the festival commemorates the marriage of Lord Shiva and Parvati, Shiva’s drinking of the cosmic poison, and his Tandava dance symbolizing the end of cosmic cycles. While captivating legends surround these themes, their inner significance extends far beyond the stories themselves.

                      Imaginary image of Lord Shiva from the Web

Many respected Sanatan Gurus have illuminated the festival’s spiritual essence. One widely respected spiritual Guru wrote in a media article that Shiva represents a principle—the formless, eternal supreme consciousness that transcends physical qualities and material manifestation. In this understanding, Shiva embodies absolute awareness or transcendental “nothingness” underlying all existence. The Guru rejected the literal notion of Shiva as a historical figure residing in a particular geographic location or mountain range, as often portrayed in folklore. Likewise, numerous Indian scholars have emphasized that Sanatan spiritual traditions focus less on ritual performance and more on grasping the profound truths of life.

On reflection, it seems that such philosophical depth must have significantly contributed to shaping an exceptionally advanced and refined society, helping ancient India emerge as a prosperous, intellectually evolved, and humanistic civilization. For sages and thinkers, translating subtle metaphysical insights into forms accessible to the broader population must have been challenging. Consequently, narratives were crafted, and festivals, rituals, and practices were developed to help embed these higher values into everyday life.

Over time, however, as society and institutions weakened, this delicate equilibrium may have diminished. Many festivals and their underlying wisdom gradually shifted toward ritual observance, often at the expense of spiritual depth. Yet the enduring strength of these traditions—even with some distortion—and their resilience likely enabled cultural and civilisational recovery of India despite prolonged decline.

They continue to inspire confidence in our capacity to revive the science of statecraft, or “Raj Dharma”—a comprehensive framework aimed at harmonizing our inner civilizational ethos while fostering mutually strengthening relationships with other nations and cultures.

SHIVA AND SHAKTI

At the heart of Maha Shivratri lies the union of Shiva and Shakti. Shiva represents pure consciousness; Shakti signifies dynamic energy—the force of manifestation. Without Shakti, Shiva remains inactive awareness; without Shiva, Shakti becomes undirected power. Their union expresses the fundamental harmony that sustains creation. This balance between masculine and feminine principles transcends gender symbolism; it reflects a metaphysical truth: existence unfolds through equilibrium between stillness and movement, structure and flow, contemplation and creativity. Maha Shivratri honors this union as the foundation of both cosmic and inner balance.

The story of Sati and Parvati enriches this symbolism. After Sati immolated herself in sorrow following her father Daksha’s insult to Shiva, the grief-stricken ascetic retreated into deep meditation on Mount Kailash. The cosmic order faltered, as the demon Tarakasura could only be defeated by Shiva’s son. Reborn as Parvati, Sati undertook intense tapasya—embracing austerity and unwavering devotion to draw Shiva out of detachment. Even when Kamadeva sought to kindle desire and was reduced to ashes by Shiva’s fiery glance, Parvati’s determination remained firm. Disguised as a Brahmin, Shiva tested her resolve by speaking critically of himself; her steadfast defense revealed profound understanding beyond emotion. Their eventual union symbolized not mere romance but the restoration of cosmic balance. From this sacred marriage came Kartikeya and Ganesha—embodiments of protection and wisdom—affirming that the harmony of consciousness and energy renews the world.

SHIVA AS “NEEL-KANTHA”

Shiva’s form as Neelkantha—the blue-throated one—originates from the episode of Samudra Manthan, the churning of the cosmic ocean. When a deadly poison surfaced, threatening all creation, Shiva consumed it and held it in his throat, preventing its spread. This episode serves as a powerful metaphor: the enlightened being absorbs negativity without allowing it to corrupt inner awareness. He safeguards the universe not by erasing darkness—since conflict and toxicity are inherent to existence—but by containing and transforming it. Neelkantha represents the ability to confront and neutralize darkness without succumbing to it.

SHIVA’S TANDAVA

Equally profound is Shiva’s Tandava, particularly the Rudra Tandava performed in anguish after Sati’s self-immolation. Bearing her body, Shiva’s fierce dance shook the cosmos until Vishnu intervened, dismembering the body and scattering the fragments as Shakti Peethas across the land. Tandava is often mistaken for chaotic destruction, yet it actually reflects the cyclical rhythm of existence—creation, preservation, dissolution, and renewal. The Damru symbolizes the primordial vibration from which the universe emerges; the flame signifies transformative destruction; the demon Apasmara beneath Shiva’s foot represents ignorance subdued by awakened consciousness.

In the Ananda Tandava at Chidambaram, the dance assumes a blissful form, revealing that destruction and joy are not opposites but interconnected phases within a greater cosmic harmony.

SANATAN BELIEF: SPIRITUAL INSIGHT VS. RITUALISM

At its core, Sanatan philosophy emphasizes existential realization over ritual adherence. Ritual devoid of understanding becomes mechanical. The sages recognized life as transient yet meaningful. Shiva dissolves when balance is disturbed—but only to recreate and renew. He is complete in himself, yet creation blossoms when consciousness and energy unite. Thus, Maha Shivratri urges devotees to move beyond attachment, ego, and ignorance, progressing toward liberation (moksha).

Its deeper message transcends both time and geography. Life does not truly begin or end; it transforms. Disorder coexists with tranquility. Poison can be contained; ignorance can be overcome; balance can be restored. In contemplating Shiva and Shakti, the seeker engages in an ancient dialogue with the cosmos—realizing that one is not separate from this vast unfolding, but an integral spark of that eternal consciousness.

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BNP's Return to Power In Bangladesh: Strategic Shifts Towards Softer Islamism Causing Deeper Fault Lines?

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In my comprehensive post on January 2 on this blog, I had stated—among other issues—that the return of BNP to power through the February 12 elections was a foregone conclusion. The appointment of Tarique Rahman as Prime Minister of Bangladesh was equally predictable.

The entire script was transparent. Awami League—the largest political party that spearheaded Bangladesh’s liberation and sought to reshape the country’s identity through linguistic and cultural nationalism rather than anti-India Islamic nationalism—was banned and effectively expelled from the electoral process. The space for any alternative outcome was virtually non-existent.

India’s Prime Minister has congratulated Tarique Rahman on Platform X (formerly Twitter) on his electoral victory and expressed support for his efforts to fulfil the aspirations of the Bangladeshi people. Media reports indicate that Tarique has invited all SAARC leaders, including the Indian Prime Minister for his swearing in ceremony.

New Delhi has no other option but to engage whoever is in power in Dhaka. However, it would be naïve to expect the same degree of warmth and cooperation from a BNP regime as was available during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure—despite her occasional deviations, including outreach to Islamists and China that unsettled Indian policymakers.

I had previously discussed the background and support base of BNP. Given its ideological positioning and constituency, it would be difficult for Tarique Rahman to replicate the collaborative tone that defined India-Bangladesh ties under Hasina.

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Possible Areas of Optimism

Unlike Jamaat, Tarique Rahman is not viewed as radical. Many analysts suggest that once Awami League is removed from Bangladesh’s political space, contradictions between BNP and Jamaat may intensify.

BNP may also attempt to occupy the political space vacated by Awami League, potentially nudging it toward a relatively conciliatory approach. As a pragmatic politician, Tarique is unlikely to overtly antagonize a large and powerful neighbor. These dynamics provide limited but real grounds for cautious optimism regarding a more calculated and pragmatic engagement with India.

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On the BNP–Jamaat–Pakistan–Taliban Comparison

Some members of India’s strategic community draw parallels between a possible BNP–Jamaat fallout and the rift between Pakistan’s military establishment and the Taliban.

Pakistan’s military—despite being significantly Westernized—created and relied upon the Taliban to shape the Af-Pak region. Over time, however, shifting contexts produced friction and divergence.

Yet the comparison with Bangladesh is flawed. BNP is not a military establishment, and Jamaat is an older political entity than BNP, sharing the same domestic political space. Since the assassination of Sheikh Mujib, BNP and Jamaat have often operated in a symbiotic tango.

Bangladesh’s internal political soil and its geopolitical-security equilibrium make the situation far more complex than a simple replication of the Pakistan–Taliban trajectory.

In 2021, following the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, I assessed that:

• The Taliban of 2021 differed significantly from 2001 but its core ideological outlook of Islamic radicalism and conservatism had remained intact.
• Its return would energize Islamist radicalism regionally and beyond albeit in a more refined form.
• Splintering within Islamist groups would continue.
• Despite apparent bonhomie at that moment, tensions between Pak military and the Taliban were inevitable.

Those assessments were rooted in internal character and divergent expectations of both Pak ISI and Taliban. Bangladesh’s context, however, requires a deeper examination of domestic complexities and the broader geopolitical environment.

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Structural Complexities Within Bangladesh

BNP’s support base—including links with sections of the military establishment—makes it difficult for the party to entirely shed its anti-India orientation.

Competition between BNP and Jamaat—despite their cooperation during elections—will likely intensify as both seek to expand their political ideological and organisational support base. While Jamaat promotes a hardline Islamic vision, BNP has historically articulated a softer form of Islamic nationalism. Yet both share different strands of anti-India and anti-Hindu sentiment. It must be remembered that BNP’s ideological framework promotes a distinct Bengali Islamic nationalism in contrast to Awami League’s secular-cultural Bengali nationalism.

Sheikh Mujib and Awami League had attempted to dismantle the subcontinental psychological divide framed in religious terms and link Bangladesh’s destiny to regional economic advancement through cooperation with India. Their outlook was shaped by their personal traumatic experiences under Pakistani military rule and resistance to Islamic radicalism.

Hasina’s tenure, however, was not without contradictions. While she resisted radicalism, her creation of Qaumi Madrassas reflected strategic compromises. At the same time, India’s limited and inconsistent response to radicalism, China’s growing influence, India’s inability to curb Pakistanism effectively, and the rise of Hindu parochialism in India collectively weakened the broader cultural-nationalistic architecture of Bangladesh.

BNP, in contrast, advances a narrative of distinct Bengali Islamic nationalism that often perceives itself in ideological tension with India. Even if not overtly hostile like Jamaat, its ideological framework fosters adversarial undercurrents. Symbolic controversies—such as cricket disputes or fringe religious provocations—can easily inflame sentiment.

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Geopolitical Shifts and External Actors

The broader geopolitical environment has turned unfavorable for Bangladesh’s cultural nationalists and for India. Responsibility lies partly with leadership failures on both sides.

Both Western powers and China appear willing to support a regime in Dhaka that maintains a more adversarial equation with India.

Sheikh Hasina’s Govt, despite all allegations was a lawful regime that was replaced by an unelected and illegitimate dispensation with support of radicals. For one and half years, an unelected caretaker dispensation presided over serious and sustained killing of minorities and targeted Awami League workers as well. Sadly, India’s concerns appeared limited to minority protection rather than a comprehensive support to Bengali cultural and secular nationalism.

China, unconcerned with electoral legitimacy, has always pursued strategic influence in almost every quarter of the world. Surprisingly, much of the Western world has also endorsed the Feb 12 elections despite reported irregularities, expulsion of the largest political party and turnout below 47%.

In this context, the announcement of zero percent tariffs for Bangladeshi textiles in the United States signals significant Western backing for the post-Awami political order.

China’s strategic posture is particularly significant. It engages multiple factions within states without attempting to alter internal balances overtly. This enables it to secure long-term strategic and economic interests—even amid instability. Its engagement across Myanmar, Africa, Central Asia, and Sri Lanka demonstrates this capacity.

A BNP government may seek economic benefits from India while simultaneously leveraging alternative alignments with China and the West. Overt diplomacy may coexist with indirect pressure tactics in NE region and Bengal in collusion with Pakistan ISI.

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Internal Strategic Outlook in Bangladesh

Many Bangladeshi intellectuals and securocrats argue that separation from Pakistan is settled history. In their view, Pakistan no longer poses a direct threat, while India—as the larger neighbor—does.

This perception has historically shaped policy, including support for anti-India insurgents and demographic shifts in border regions through large-scale state supported migration into India. Meanwhile, India’s domestic discourse remains focused largely on illegal migration without a deeper strategic framework to address the issue.

While Pakistan lacks the economic capacity to assist Bangladesh significantly, China and the West provide alternatives. Strategically, Dhaka under BNP appears more likely to permit use of its territory for actions detrimental to Indian security interests.

These dynamics will test India’s strategic imagination. National security cannot rely on diplomacy alone; it depends on economic strength, technological competitiveness, institutional coherence, and societal resilience, which have been reduced to near irrelevance in India’s political discourse.

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Larger Principles of Statecraft

I have previously advocated the concept of Indocracy—a fusion of ancient Indian statecraft traditions with modern Western principles of accountable, law-based governance.

One major weakness in many Afro-Asian democratic adaptations is the absence of a structured exit strategy for accomplished leaders. Sheikh Hasina’s case illustrates this. After significant achievements, she might have transitioned into a mentoring role while nurturing a credible succession chain.

A nation’s destiny must never become dependent on a single individual.

What is at stake in Bangladesh extends beyond partisan politics. The broader security and progress of the subcontinent depend significantly on the ideological and governance choices Dhaka makes.

The preservation of a distinct civilizational identity of South Asia rooted in harmony and coexistence among nations, beliefs, cultural and linguistic identities require containing both extremist Islamist xenophobia and reactive Hindu parochialism. India must absorb positive civilizational strengths while filtering out elements that foster hate, stagnation, and conflict.

These are ambitious goals. Building appropriate institutional capacities to pursue these through strategic policies requires courage, clarity, and long-term investments in statecraft.

I am hoping against hope that the recent developments in Bangladesh triggers deeper and innovative strategic thinking among Indian policymakers.

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US Tariff Truce for India: A Window of Respite with Serious Strategic Challenges

       Despite my academic degree in Economic Diplomacy, my varied professional experiences have largely focused on geopolitical, security, cultural, public and legal-consular dimensions of diplomacy and national security. However, my enduring interest in grand strategic framework of national security has always inspired me to retain interest in all dimensions of national security, including political stability, institutional integrity, various dimensions of military, economic and technological prowess, or even quality of human resource in terms of physical, cognitive and technical capacities or cultural and social habits and outlook impacting, quality of social and national cohesion etc. While area or subject experts have a huge advantage over me in terms of depth of their understanding in their respective domains but someone like me is always in a better position to draw a bigger picture for proper appreciation of issues in their appropriate context. 

        In the wake of ongoing controversy, I have carefully examined various aspects of “Modi-Trump Tariff Deal” in the following post. I have been assisted by a young associate in data collection and preparation of tables. He has chosen not to be acknowledged. However, the perspectives, analysis and conclusions are entirely my own.

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SECTION A

A Broad Outline

The Indian Sensex experienced strong gains following President Trump’s announcement of a substantial rollback of U.S. tariffs on Indian imports. The sense of relief and optimism has been particularly evident in the labor-intensive sectors such as textiles and apparel, gems and jewellery, and marine exports—that together account for nearly half of India’s approximately USD 80-85 billion exports to the United States.

    The Modi–Trump deal has unquestionably offered short-term relief for the Indian economy. Hence, Indian equities have reacted positively to the announcements by President Trump and Prime Minister Modi. Markets have rallied and the rupee has marginally strengthened, for the first time in a long period, on expectations of improved trade flows and enhanced investor confidence. The perceived gains appear to transcend export earnings as the deal also signals renewed India-US strategic engagement, with potentials for a deeper partnership. This is despite the inherent unpredictability of President Trump and his super transactional approach. 

Amid broader geopolitical uncertainties, this development certainly represents a silver lining. Nevertheless, concerns related to supply-chain resilience, energy and food security, and India’s complex relationships with Russia and China continue to persist.

Many specifics of the agreement—including exact timelines for tariff eliminations on both sides, sector-by-sector commitments, and legal enforcement mechanisms—are not yet publicly available. Even so, what has emerged thus far underscores the need to leverage short-term gains to generate long-term strategic advantages.

As part of the deal, Indian Govt has reportedly pledged to raise U.S. exports to India to nearly USD 500 billion by reducing both tariff and non-tariff barriers to zero. However, the timeframe for achieving this target remains unknown, as does the final list of sectors that will be granted zero-tariff market access.

The Deal

The United States has:

• Reduced reciprocal tariffs on Indian goods from 25% to approximately 18% with immediate effect.
• Withdrawn additional punitive tariffs (up to a further ~25%) linked to India’s purchase of Russian oil.

In return, India has offered to:

• Reduce tariffs and non-tariff barriers on many categories of U.S. goods to zero.
• Increase imports from the United States across a wide spectrum—including energy (oil and gas), technology, agriculture, defence equipment, aircraft, and others—to a cumulative value of USD 500 billion over the next few years.
• Halt purchases of Russian oil.

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SECTION B

A Sector-Wise Assessment of the Impact of the Deal

India-US trade is somehow limited to a few sectors only. Hence, identification of major sectors among these and evaluation of overall impact of the new tariff regime on these helps better appreciation of the entire deal. Following is a sector wise assessment of the new deal:   

Textiles & Apparel

Impact: Strongly positive

Textiles and apparel are among India’s most export-exposed sectors to the U.S., with roughly a quarter or more of shipments destined for that market. The tariff reduction improves India’s price competitiveness vis-à-vis rivals such as Bangladesh and Vietnam, potentially unlocking new orders.

Winners:

• Garment manufacturers
• Home textile producers
• Yarn and fibre exporters

Risks:

• Benefits remain dependent on global demand; margins may still be squeezed by input costs.
• Lead times for new orders and supply-chain adjustments could delay visible impact.

Gems & Jewellery

Impact: Positive

This labour-intensive export category was severely affected by earlier high tariffs. The reduction to 18% lowers landed costs for U.S. importers. India accounts for a substantial share of U.S. imports of polished diamonds and jewellery, and demand is likely to stabilise or recover.

Winners:

• Diamond polishing units
• Gold jewellery exporters

Risks:

• Global luxury demand is cyclical, leading to uneven recovery.

Engineering Goods & Auto Components

Impact: Moderate to positive

Engineering goods—including industrial machinery, electrical equipment, and auto components—stand to benefit from improved price competitiveness. Auto components integrated into global supply chains may see renewed contracts.

Winners:

• Exporters linked to international OEMs
• Precision engineering and capital-goods suppliers

Risks:

• Passenger vehicle exports may see limited benefit if regulatory barriers persist. Gains are likely to be stronger for components and specialised machinery than for complete vehicles.

Agriculture & Food Exports

Impact: Mixed and still unclear

U.S. analysts expect expanded American agricultural exports to India, potentially narrowing the U.S. agricultural trade deficit. India’s concessions—particularly in dairy and genetically modified crops—remain politically sensitive and insufficiently detailed.

Potential Winners:

• Marine exports such as shrimp
• Rice exporters (subject to tariff relief)

Risks:

• Domestic farmers fear competition from heavily subsidised U.S. producers with large-scale advantages.
• Final agricultural terms are yet to be made public, and exposure may rise once details emerge.

Chemicals & Specialty Inputs

Impact: Positive over the long term

Specialty chemicals and intermediates could gain pricing advantages and deeper integration into U.S. supply chains. The ongoing “China-plus-one” diversification trend may benefit Indian exporters.

Winners:

• Specialty chemical manufacturers
• Firms integrated into global value chains

Risks:

• These markets are long-term and contract-driven; gains will be gradual rather than immediate.

Seafood & Marine Products

Impact: Positive

Reduced duty pressure is expected to revive U.S. demand following tariff-induced slowdowns.

Winners:

• Shrimp exporters
• Frozen seafood producers

Risks:

• Logistics costs and quality compliance often matter more than tariffs in this segment.

IT Services & Pharmaceuticals

Impact: Indirect / Neutral to positive

While largely services-based and not directly affected by tariffs, these sectors may benefit indirectly from improved bilateral sentiment.

Potential Gains:

• Improved business environment for services exports
• Greater bilateral investment and technology cooperation

Risks:

• Outcomes depend more on diplomatic ties and macro sentiment than on tariff changes.

Financial Markets & Investment Flows

Market Reaction:
Indian markets rallied sharply following the deal, with indices rising and the rupee strengthening, reflecting enhanced investor confidence.

Sector Gains:

• Export-linked equities
• Banks and financial institutions, through improved balance sheets and credit demand

Risks:

• Sentiment-driven rallies may fade if implementation lags.

Key Risks & Practical Challenges

• Uncertainty around implementation details
• Sensitivity surrounding agricultural access
• Energy transition costs if Russian oil imports are curtailed
• Competitive pressures where tariff relief alone may not translate into immediate volume growth

Sector Winners & Risks (Summary)

Sector	Expected Impact	Notes
Textiles & Apparel	Significant	Improved price competitiveness
Gems & Jewellery	Strong	Higher U.S. demand potential
Engineering & Auto Components	Moderate	Stronger for components
Chemicals & Specialty Inputs	Long-term gain	Supply-chain diversification
Seafood & Marine	Positive	Tariff relief aids demand
Agriculture	Mixed	Seriously disadvantageous to India, Can erode Food security
IT / Pharma	Neutral–positive	Indirect benefits
Financial Markets	Positive	Confidence-driven rally

The sectoral impact of the deal is broadly positive, but outcomes will depend heavily on the fine print—particularly agricultural access, services rules, energy commitments, and tariff phase-ins—over the next 12–24 months.

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SECTION C

Comparative Position vis-à-vis China, Vietnam, and Bangladesh

The significance of tariff reductions lies in their impact on India’s relative competitiveness in the U.S. market. Three comparative cases have been examined as under:

• China: Systemic rival with high tariffs and technology controls
• Vietnam: Preferred China-plus-one manufacturing hub
• Bangladesh: Low-cost apparel powerhouse

Comparative Matrix: India vs China vs Vietnam vs Bangladesh (Post-Deal)

Dimension	India	China	Vietnam	Bangladesh
U.S. Tariff Regime (Goods)	Reduced to ~18% average; punitive layers removed	High and sticky; Section 301 tariffs largely intact	Lower, stable MFN-type access	Low tariffs for apparel
Political Risk in U.S. Perception	Low–moderate (strategic partner)	High (systemic rival)	Low	Low
Supply-Chain Trust (U.S. firms)	Improving	Declining	High	Moderate
Labour-Intensive Manufacturing	Strong but uneven	Very strong (but politically risky)	Strong and organised	Very strong (narrow base)
Scale & Market Depth	Very large	Massive	Medium	Narrow
Value-Added Capability	Medium–high	High	Medium	Low
Energy & Strategic Alignment with U.S.	Increasing	Adversarial	Neutral-positive	Neutral
Non-Tariff Barriers (India’s own)	Still significant	Moderate	Low	Low

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Sector-by-Sector Competitive Re-Ranking

Textiles & Apparel

Before deal

• Bangladesh + Vietnam beat India on landed cost.
• India lost orders despite scale.

After deal

• India closes much of the tariff gap.
• India becomes competitive in:
• Home textiles,
• Mid-value garments,
• Large-volume diversified orders.

Still weaker than Bangladesh in:

• Ultra-low-cost basic apparel.

Bottom line: India moves from “expensive alternative” to a "credible scale player”.

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Gems & Jewellery

• China already marginal here.
• Vietnam and Bangladesh are not real competitors.

Post-deal effect

• India consolidates dominance in:
• Polished diamonds,
• Gold jewellery for U.S. retail chains.

Bottom line:  India gain as tariffs were the main friction.

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Engineering Goods & Auto Components

China

• Technologically strong but politically constrained.
• Facing sourcing diversification pressure.

Vietnam

• Good assembly base, limited depth.

India (post-deal)

• Becomes more attractive for:
• Tier-2 and Tier-3 auto components,
• Industrial machinery,
• Electrical equipment.

Bottom line: India gains marginally and can emerge a credible option.

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Chemicals & Specialty Inputs

• U.S. seeking to reduce their dependence on China may find India a credible alternative.

Following can act to advantages of India to a limited extent: 

• Tariff relief,
• Regulatory comfort,
• IP protection credibility.

Risk: Given China's strategic psyche, any major advantage for India in any sector may invite indirect wrath and retaliation as well, nullifying gains.

Vietnam/Bangladesh

• Limited chemical ecosystem.

Bottom line:
India emerges as the preferred non-China supplier in specialty chemicals. But the scale and volume of gains may remain limited.  

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Agriculture & Food Products

In this sector India stands to lose far more by giving zero tariff market access to highly subsidized large scale agricultural producers of the USA. This may wreak havoc for Indian farmers and erode food security of India, with seriously negative implications for national security.

• Bangladesh, Vietnam: limited agri competition.
• U.S. pressure is inward — it is seeking to force open India's market that successive governments have fiercely resisted.

Bottom line: India gains little but seriously risks its food security and the matter has already ignited a ruckus discourse.

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Strategic Interpretation: What the Deal Actually Does?

India is Being Coopted in the U.S. Trade Strategy As A Trusted Associate or Desirable Adjunct?

This is something that China neither enjoys, and probably nor desires; Vietnam cannot fully offer the size and scale of market.

However, the net gains for India may be negative in the long-run if it does not reset not only the fine prints of the deal but also its own internal structural and institutional gaps.

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Why Vietnam Still Matters (and Why India Isn’t Replacing It)

Vietnam remains superior for:

• Fast execution,
• Plug-and-play manufacturing,
• Lower bureaucratic friction.

But Vietnam lacks:

• Market size,
• Domestic demand,
• Strategic heft.

India may at best emerge as the additional pillar of US Trade and Economic Strategy in Asia if it plays ball but it appears unlikely to replace Vietnam in near future.

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Bangladesh likely to Be Boxed In But Not Replaced

Bangladesh will retain:

• Dominant market access to basic garment sector;

Whereas India may gain easier access to:

• Diversified, higher-value, compliance-heavy segments.

Net Result: clear segmentation and no replacement or displacement of Bangladesh by India.

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What Must India Fix to Optimize gains from the Deal

Even after tariff relief, India loses orders due to:

1. Non-tariff frictions
• Customs delays,
• Compliance unpredictability.
2. Logistics costs
• Still higher than Vietnam.
3. Policy credibility
• Exporters fear sudden rule changes.

Without these, tariff reduction shall under-deliver.

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Strategic Conclusion:

Compared to China:

India may appear more trustworthy for the US but China remains way too efficient in advanced manufacturing power.  Given the strategic psyche of China and India's governance gaps and institutional fragility, China may do everything possible to sabotage closer US-India partnership in any sphere that threatens its interests and agenda in the region. 

Compared to Vietnam:

India has advantage in terms of scale and geopolitical heft but Vietnam remains operationally smoother and yet may invite lesser Chinese wrath or covert sabotage as it does not pose any threat to Chinese dominance of the region;

Compared to Bangladesh:

India is more diversified and resilient but Bangladesh is competitive for cheaper end of goods;

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Bottom Line: Trump–Modi deal does not make India the cheapest supplier or the biggest beneficiary but its certainly makes India a relatively more competitive alternative.

Hence the deal appears a tactical respite or reprieve and not even a tactical win; It needs to be leveraged as an opportunity for strategic upgrade in all spheres. 

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SECTION D

Trump–Modi Deal and America’s Asia Strategy

Under President Trump’s second administration, tariffs have functioned less as tools of free trade and more as instruments of leverage. China’s tariffs have been structural; India’s have been conditional and reversible and yet far more coercive and punitive. This distinction reveals Washington’s strategic calculus, which despite its softness towards India does not appear entirely favourable for the world's largest democracy. India’s capacity to absorb tariff shocks remains way too limited than China given the size and nature of its economy and the pressure on it.

Energy, Russia, and Strategic Signalling:

The energy dimension is geopolitically revealing. As per information available in media, India has apparently given a clear commitment to halt purchase of Russian oil. Yesterday, in course of a TV discussion I had mentioned, after careful prior calculations, that total losses on account of discontinuation of purchase of Russian oil could be anywhere between 9 to 12 billion dollars for Indian economy. It is unfortunate that most of Indian media and senior journalists are simply misleading people on this issue. Russian oil remains superior in quality and cheaper in cost, due to discounted price and lesser transit time, compared to Venezuelan or American oil. 

Further, a strategic association with Russia is a critical necessity for long term national security interests of both the countries. Notwithstanding current bonhomie between Russia and China or current thaw in India and China, the very strategic psyche of China, as I assess, is such that both Russia and India have to be careful. When Xi Jiping is not ab;e to trust most of his own top military Generals, it would be naive for both Russia and India to expect a sustained trust-driven association with China.    

While both India and Russia need to fix their own respective priorities, which significantly vary with each other due to different shades of their political systems, a closer and mutually empowering bi-lateral ties are existential necessities for the both. Instead of being overly receptive to the United States, India needs to be more proactive on this front. The current arrangement appears to link reduced tariff with long-term geopolitical choices and national interest priorities. There has to be an innovation to find a solution without confrontation with the most powerful democracy where India enjoys significant goodwill. 

Similarly, even a commitment of zero tariff demonstrates our long-term vulnerability and negotiations from position of weakness rather than strength. Given the euphoria of India-US strategic partnership from the beginning of this century, the bi-lateral ties between the two powers have entered a new phase. Yet all is not lost. In a global order, where trust has been thrown out of the window, it is yet to be seen how India negotiates with such unreasonable expectations.

Limits of the Deal:
The agreement does not resolve India’s structural challenges—logistics costs, regulatory unpredictability or arbitrariness, or domestic inefficiencies which dent its global competitiveness. Like many Trump-era arrangements, Modi-Trump is broad in ambition but thin on rational substance or bi-lateral trust or mutual respect. Its real worth rests in what it enables next.

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Conclusion

The Trump–Modi trade deal marks India’s quiet transition into a difficult-to-define category in strategic thinking of the United States. India appears a non-allied strategic partner, though allies have also lost their meaning in Trump's lexicon, embedded in the U.S. supply-chain planning. It neither eliminates trade friction nor guarantees permanence. Instead, it signals that India is now competing not merely on cost, but on credibility (to offer big market access to US), which has become the scarcest commodity in the current global order. 

Strategic Recommendations:
India must treat the "Trump Deal" as a window of short-term opportunity and not a strategic destination. India must chart out its own strategies and courses of action to optimise its global strategic heft, credibility and economic strengths.  More than diplomacy, India is in dire need to bolster the quality and integrity of its own internal institutions to fully unleash and stretch its internal capacities. The next 18–24 months are critical for further unlocking India’s domestic potentials to irreversibly establish it in the U.S. and global supply chains—before tariffs return as instruments of coercion. 

This calls for serious and sustained reforms in India's economic and governance apparatus. Stronger competitiveness of the economy - backed by transparent, supportive and predictable regulation- alone can bolster India's capacity to guard its interests in the current unpredictable and trust deficit global order, where all rules, norms and sense of rationality are losing their relevance. 

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 PS: This piece has been edited on 04.02.2026 at IST 20.00 hrs and its caption has also been changed.  

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PERFECTION: A MIRAGE OR TRAP?

Over the last few years, I have been writing long pieces on my blog or social media. I have been at great pain to explain issues in detail to my readers. 

In the process, I have been writing too little in public domain. I have been sharing far too less of my perspective on wise range of issues that always capitvate me.

I believe that social media is outcome of a true tech-revolution of our times. It gives enormous opportunity to everyone to share his or her perspective on issues. 

But absence of fair and smart filters make these platforms overcrowded. It becomes nearly impossible for publicly lesser known but intellectually serious entities to stand out. In any case, mass appeal is always high for something light hearted and comic rather than something too serious propounded by people with not so high a public profile. 

People like me are particularly at great disadvantage. Real professional contributions, knowledge or even intellect in domain of statecraft, diplomacy and geopolitics, especially for most practitioners can never be established. Their constraints multiply further, because they cannot write or own their contributions on most of real issues. Even for writing on secondsry issues, they are constrained by multiple compulsions and often obstructed by cyber attacks or coercive instruments. In any case, details of substantive issues cannot and must never be discussed for public domain in this sphere. 

Ironically, for people in this category, public perceptions are shaped more by hearsay than by real substance or quality of efforts which remain unknown. Even if something positive comes out in impartial perceptions, we are living in an era of agenda peddling rather than free and fair intellectual discourse.

Hence, life becomes terribly painful and uncomfortable for those who find themselvs on the wrong side of establishment over their integrity and quest for excellence and innovation. Challenges are more formidable for individuals and entities in the post-colonial world. Here internal systems are far too fragile and can be easily mobilised even against selfless innovation in larger collective interest of society and the nation itself.

Fragility of systems in a post-colonial state like India emanates both on account of internal distortions as well as long history and culture of dysfunctionality and state oppression. This was rampant under colonial rule. But perceived influence or interference by invisible global networks cannot be discounted entirely. These forces would like governance and rule of law to stay permanently sub-optimal in this part of the world. This alone can perpetuate global domination of existing hegemons. But the worst facet has been absence of intellectual integrity and moral courage on part of public scholars and intellectuals in this part of the world to rise above their personal agenda and prejudices. 

In this background, social media, despite all its constraints, offers a great alternative avenue to offer contrarian views. This is especially in the larger interests of society, state and humanity. This is particularly attractive for  unaffiliated public scholars like me, who are shunned and avoided by all major institutions, due to their unreasonable and unsustainable levels of all round commitment to integrity that systems can’t tolerate.  My computers have been repeatedly hacked to wipe out years of hardwork and I still remain an unknown commodity in public domain. 

But I believe that amongst many other constraints and preoccupations, that has impeded my abilities to share my views in public domain, has been my commitmet to expain issues in its totality. I realise this is an avoidable additional trap that I have imposed on myself. 

I had written in a manual on leadership, for professionals, that “Perfection is an endless mirage”. It is the biggest obstructor of excellence and timely impact.

I realise that quest for perfection is a drain on energies everywhere. 

Hence, I shall advise all my uoung friends in every sphere that in every initiative a level of excellence that is optimal in a given context and time is far more desirable than investing efforts in chasing the mirage perfection. This is not something new. Yet all smart doers, leaders, thinkers and innovators should be conscious of this and must make a habit out of it.

WHY INDIA'S YOUNG CIVIL SERVANTS HAVE GONE BERSERK WITH GRAFT?

YOUNG BUREAUCRATS GOING BERSERK?     

    Once upon a time, the hallowed corridors of India’s civil service were dominated by idealistic young minds, who aspired and swore to serve the nation with the best of their dedication, ability and integrity. Even then many fell by wayside, in course of their long service, succumbing to temptations. Yet few remained eternal beacons of integrity and excellence. This breed still survives, and I can vouch for them. I can also proudly say that amongst my contemporaries, they are my best friends. 

But today, a disturbing shadow looms large. Young and not so young civil servants appear big time grafters, manipulating the system for illicit private gains.  Many seem to have joined civil service with the sole objective of making a quick money to lead a lavish and glamorous life and wielding power without accountability. They are oblivious and unmindful of larger implications of their actions and even their role in the larger development of the nation. In most cases, their contributions to society may be in big negative than anything else.

The officers with messianic zeal to serve the people and the nation are fast turning into endangered species. At this pace, they shall soon turn extinct. 

Recent scandals involving fresh-faced IAS officers—barely a few years into their service—signal not isolated moral lapses but a deep rot in the system. From Odisha’s Dhiman Chakma, the 2021-batch officer caught red-handed accepting a Rs 10 lakh bribe in June 2025 with Rs 47 lakh cash seized from his quarters to Pooja Singhal, the 2000-batch “young gun” reinstated in Jharkhand despite MGNREGA embezzlement charges, shatter the myth of youth as an antidote to corruption. Recently one Patel from Gujrat and another young woman Prabha Bhandari from custom service were caught on corruption charges. The real list may be much longer.

ALARMING RISE OF YOUNG "CORRUPTS" IN LIEU OF  YOUNG “TURKS” IN INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE

India’s civil services have more often attracted some of the nation’s brightest young minds. Many young officers were often known for acting with idealist passion and even taking strong position on issues in face of their seniors. More often, they had to be calmed to act with dispassion and convey their position in more non-confrontational ways.  But their idealist passion or energy of youth evoked hope for a better future for society.  

But in recent years, civil service has turned into a bastion of corruption ensnared youth. For example, Dhiman Chakma, once hailed as an inspiring Forest Service officer turned IAS, was caught demanding Rs 20 lakh from a businessman for file clearance in Kalahandi. Social media erupted with his old motivational videos juxtaposed against custody photos. A retired DGP was quoted lamenting how early career promise evaporates into graft.

Similarly, in Madhya Pradesh, a 2014-batch officer’s leaked chats exposed rampant mafia payoffs, alleging collectors poison CMs’ ears for transfers while honest ones languish. Gujarat’s Jaibir Singh (2023 arrest for transfer bribes) and Sanjay Popli (12 kg gold seized) underscore a pattern: Young officers, under 40, face disproportionate assets probes amid Rs 10-50 lakh hauls.

These aren’t anomalies. CBI and vigilance raids from 2024-2025 reveal a surge in corruption in India’s civil service. Few notable cases reported in media include Meghraj Singh Ratnu booked for disproportionate assets in Rajasthan to Vinod Kumar dismissed in Odisha’s housing scam. These are few cases that came to my notice from media. The total list, including those unreported in media and undetected by agencies, may be way too longer.

CORRUPTION: A MUCH DEEPER AND WIDER MALAISE

My friends in civil service disclose that the smarter and powerful lot among the corrupt in civil service can never get caught. They know how to game the system. From politicians to judiciary to big corporates, along with virtually all levels in civil service, have evolved corruption into a complex science and a brilliant art. It is "fools" and "desperate" among them who get exposed and caught.

I remember one of the personally incorruptible legendary politicians telling us during NDC lecture a decade back that a certain degree of corruption was inevitable for smooth functioning of systems in India. Problems arise only for those who exceed a known threshold level of graft in every department. But he alerted the absolutely incorruptible, particularly targeting me in the context of my previous diplomatic initiatives on foreign soil against mega arm kick-back accused, that entire system gets together, at least metaphorically, to hack the absolutely honest into pieces. Similar words of wisdom and advice I had received from many esteemed elders who had retired long back. I believe the entire situation has further evolved since then.

However, I had explained to them that I always respected corruption as "undeclared fundamental right of every clever Indian" as routine corruption in India was neither my priority nor did it come in professional jurisdiction. I also knew that no professional or leader in India in any sector can afford the luxury of thinking or acting like a “vigilance officer” or whistle blower. I was warned earlier that one can choose to stay honest as long as it did not seriously interfere with the "undeclared fundamental rights" of more powerful in the system. Else one’s entire life-time shall be consumed in these, without learning any professional-technical skills and contributing something substantial. 

But if one turned too flexible to accommodate such “undeclared fundamental right” of every well-connected clever Indian, one would be reduced into a vegetable without spine and bereft of any self-esteem. A society was certain to be subjugated and subverted if a significant number of its educated leaders in different spheres were robbed of, or surrendered, their self-esteem and self-belief. 

Hence, my only request to my seniors was not to use my shoulders for their such private agenda that were at the cost of public and national good. Similarly, I advised my juniors not to exercise their “unwritten fundamental right" in a manner that eroded my goals of institutional and professional excellence beyond a certain level. I pleaded with them to exercise their "right" in a manner where dents to the professional goals were compensated by energized performance. And the whole thing happened in a way that was outside may gauge, giving me enough head space to look the other way.

 But I was not in the mainstream civil service with public dealing. Barring few tenures, there was never an opportunity or space for any dispute over exercise of such undeclared fundamental right by any of my junior or senior colleagues. Fortunately, nearly all my seniors, except a small cartel that targeted me towards the end over my principled position, almost all my juniors respected the boundaries that I had politely outlined.

But following my retirement and greater interface with society, I am coming across a deeper and real exposure to realities in society. Almost a year or little earlier, a former Director of CBI, who can be counted as one of the few genuinely honest Chiefs that the agency may have had in decades, described the agency premises in a private discussion as one of the biggest “monuments of corruption” to my shock and surprise. Later, he told that society itself had got so polluted that systems cannot escape the stink. He maintained that it had become impossible to distinguish the honest and not so honest in almost every agency and individual officers alone cannot be blamed for the same. 

Regarding the number of cases that reach CBI, or lead to indictment over graft, may be too insignificant compared to the total volume of corruption in Govt or society. Besides, the bigger non-controversial issues are resolved smartly avoiding any tell-tale signs. There is a huge network for laundering the proceeds of graft. Law enforcement capacities shall probably always remain few decades behind advancements in domain of organised crime and big graft, despite all modern technologies of surveillance and investigation.

CORRUPTION IN CIVIL SERVICE: FLAWED STRUCTURES

What is intriguing that some of the young officers caught in graft had done extremely well in Ethic or integrity paper of UPSC for selection. One does not know whether to laugh or express shock at clerical psyche of great minds at UPSC or the nation. Given the wider dynamics of society, where corruption has become not merely an acceptable but the only way to survive and thrive in society, how can such examinations counter the wider effects of society? In reality, most, but not all, recruits are already psychologically conditioned to accept or co-exist with corruption even before they join service. Hence, Ethics paper can be gamed by smart dishonesty. Many have gamed even the highest distinctions and awards by fake performance proofs.  

Corruption and entitlement are inbuilt in the existing civil service structures. There may not be any other country on this planet that allows para-trooping of young recruits at the top of governance institutions in almost every department. They neither possess solid professional knowledge nor work experience to lead these institutions or departments when they take over initially. 

Such an arrangement was required by a colonising power in the 19th Century British India, who had to rule a large country with minimal number of incumbents. They did not trust the entire local population and lower rung local functionaries. It was the need to control a massive governance apparatus of a large country through a small number of loyal incumbents at the top that had necessitated the invention of the current model. This structure was designed to control the entire governance machinery and people through it. Optimising comprehensive output of society and state or empowerment of masses was never priority. Hence, loyalty mattered more than professional and technical competence.  

Initially, all incumbents of Indian civil services, under British India, were white English Male, and the very examination was conducted in London. Subsequently when locals were allowed, only few wealthy among them, who owed their wealth or freedom only to the loyalty towards the colonizer, were allowed to appear in the examination in London.

It is intriguing that why this relic raj has not been sufficiently improvised to address governance need of the largest democracy of the nation. Today, even Britain does not have such structures of civil service for itself. None of the developed countries allow generalist paratroopers at the top of their specialist institutions and that too on basis of information memorisation on issues that have no relevance to the jobs that they handle. 

It is baffling that why an independent India has not created a professional civil service where recruitments are based on a combination of aptitude, commitment and technical knowledge of a certain domain as well as wider empathy towards society. Intriguingly, there is absolutely no mandatory social or community service programme in entire education system that can foster stronger empathy, integrity or commitment to society or the nation among the youth. Unlike Japan or Singapore or Scandinavian countries, there is absolutely no special programme to imbibe ethics and integrity among school children, which is so crucial for a large and diverse country like India. 

How long can we escape our responsibility by blaming the British and the Mughals for our current woes? What prevents us from creating a better system of governance and education? Where we create an ethical citizenry from whom we select ethical functionaries of state. Or we build an entire societal ecosystem where integrity to flourish and thrive. 

Further, it is intriguing that incumbents do not get higher responsibilities on the basis of demonstrated domain expertise and leadership capacities and contributions. Rather than simple seniority and loyalty, or obedience, to the political masters determines. Of course, experience does prepare incumbents for certain higher leadership level roles. But it may not be sufficient for optimal output of individuals and institutions. Hence, more often senior civil servants turn complicit in agenda for power grab and power retention through any means or at any cost rather than public or national good.  

Situation has been further vitiated in Indian bureaucracy by identity-based reservations and promotions. Here any serious discussion on performance or accountability has potential to turn into acrimonious squabble over issues other than professionalism and excellence.

INDIVIDUAL BRILLIANCES AMIDST SYSTEMIC FLAWS  

Even in the current era, UPSC is driven by the assumption that memorisers of information shall make perfect leaders in civil service. There is nothing to evaluate integrity, ethic, aptitude, larger vision or domain knowledge or even leadership attributes in selection or allocation of professional roles. Important responsibilities are dependent more upon loyalty to a regime rather than ability and capacity to professionally contribute. So net result is emergence of an entitlement driven rent collecting class that stays loyal to the master at the top. This gets qualitatively better and bigger opportunities for rent collection. 

Yet it is beauty of family upbringing and societal ethic or individual influence of mentors that shaped many civil servants to stay honest and make significant contributions, despite systemic discouragements to excellence and integrity. One wonders if there is an attempt to re-shape or break these indigenous societal values and ethic also by larger opaque forces. This is especially given all round attack on social values and community cohesion of India through multiple channels and means. 

There is a strong case for restructuring the recruitment process of the UPSC as well as our entire education system. We are already in an era where machines do better memorisation than humans. AI can do better analysis and that too with greater consistency. 

Yet human mind can carry out far more innovation from the prism of enhancing the quality of social cohesion as well as quality of competition to foster higher quality of excellence in every human endeavour. 

Society needs genuine leaders in every sector who can rise beyond narrow and parochial considerations to contribute towards optimisation of comprehensive strengths of a society, state and civilisation. Ultimately, we need a mechanism where individuals and societies can mutually empower each other. This is one of the cardinal principles of Indocracy that I have outlined. 

Simultaneously, an intelligent and unethical, or psychologically deranged incumbent, is far more serious threat to society than a little less intelligent one. But ideally, an idealist, courageous domain expert with higher quality of character and integrity shall always make leader in administration and governance.

CORRUPTION: A SOCIETAL DISORDER THAT HAS TURNED GENETIC?

Corruption is not merely a moral or legal issue. It appears have got fused in the neural circuitry of most successful Indians. From cradle to grave an average Indian navigates varying degrees and forms of corruption that has become indispensable for sheer survival and prosperity of most Indians. Consequently, it has turned into a genetic, societal and systemic scourge that no agency or court can resolve.

I remember a young police officer, who had attended one of my lectures, ran into me at a social gathering at a common friend’s place few years back. Somehow discussions turned in a direction, when I started explaining importance of individual integrity for social trust to a group of doctors. Most of them were amused but were indulgently listening to me. 

At that time, I had very little realistic exposure to reality within our domestic governance systems. I have never worked in a public dealing job in India. In retrospect, I feel they must have found my idealistic naivete a novelty.

But soon this young officer serving in Delhi Police approached me and politely said that he had had a couple of drinks but was not intoxicated. But that had helped him gain confidence to pose few questions to me with candour. He posed these quite sincerely. These included: 

a) whether I knew if there existed any good school in Delhi where an average Indian could get his or her child admitted without making an underhand payment? Or 

b) was there any Govt hospital in Delhi where one could get good treatment with certainty without compromising one’s dignity if one did not go there on any reference from higher ups? Or

c)  if one could get any decent public service or tolerable life anywhere in the country if one did not have sufficient money or power and connections? 

There were many other questions s well. These were genuine and yet profound. He had said life was only one and only for few years. Why should people be expected to die and lead a deprived and wretched existence in name of integrity which was simply not sustainable within our society and systems. 

He finally asked me did I want younger officers to die in poverty and suffer in humiliation over hypocrisy of society? How long could one survive in civil service by disposing off modest inheritances to lead a reasonable comfortable life befitting one's social position? A time would come when nothing shall be left to even dispose off and life shall turn miserable and frustrating.    

He further added that any confrontation with any bigwig over integrity could leads to not merely suspension but even termination from service through blatant criminality and fraud. He also cited examples how he had helped some people on recommendations of elected representatives or even reputed civil society leaders to discover to his horror that those very intermediaries had exacted big financial favours from the beneficiaries in his very name without his knowledge.       

He gave me a primer on institutionalised corruption in all major police and civilian districts of the country as well as much more mega commercial corruption. Many deviations from rules or violation of laws were sources of income where proceeds got smoothly distributed. No one could dare touch these or protest it without a severe personal consequence. I definitely had serious knowledge about big globalised corruption and money laundering but not this aspect. 

He further assured me that in all cases of genuine humanitarian issues involving ordinary people, most decent officers do help the victim unconditionally and follow rules/laws to a high extent possible. This is a reality in all better police districts. In the remaining matters, the diktat of higher ups decides the course of events. On issues that are under severe public watch, most officers are careful to act with integrity and laws. Till date I admire worldly wisdom and forthright approach of this officer who was over a decade younger than me. Till date I have no valid answer to questions that he had posed. And yet I believe that we need to find a genuine, sustainable and humane solution rather than discrediting and punishing people. Ultimate objective is not to punish people but to better quality of governance and introduce fairness in the system.      

But shortly after that I was shocked to learn from daughter of a deceased ex Defence secretary that she had to pay a little bribe to get the death certificate of the old man who was from the hallowed IAS community. Amount was small but the anguish was big. In his life-time, the departed gentleman had the reputation of absolute incorruptibility and fearlessness. This was the brazen face of all pervasive mass corruption in the government.       

Following my own retirement as well as such interactions, I have learned that the entire system gangs up against the genuinely honest and upright. And once they are out of the system, neither courts nor society and not even the people whom they have helped standby the so-called perceived crusaders. In few rare cases, honest incumbents in judiciary, who do exist, may do justice without any consideration. Otherwise, the honest civil servants of India are condemned to meet a wretched and ignominious end.  They suffer in a largely soulless society but in long run the society too suffers. 

Sadly, we are living in an era, where honesty has been converted into almost suicidal path to life. 

But a deeper analysis suggests that most of our governance and bureaucratic systems have been designed to stay sub-optimal in output. Most of its incumbents have been bribed or silenced with threats to keep the system the way it exists. Hence, Govt functionaries are encouraged to extract a certain threshold level of graft. The volume depends upon their enterprise and equations in each context. This in turn silences them forever from resisting bigger wrongdoings against society. It is few over greedy who can't resist the temptation get caught. Yet within them, there is a microscopic minority that is mentally so strong that despite being aware of all realities, choose to stay personally incorruptible.   

But those who are well connected even among the tainted officers, can easily override all setbacks and negative press like Singhals of Jharkhand.  

LARGER ECOSYSTEM   

Transparency International notes India’s CPI score stagnant at 38/100, with 55% blaming bureaucrats. Probably the issue is much deeper.

Until recently, the corrupts in the higher civil service were too far and few. But their numbers have increased. They are now fast turning into a national menace, causing serious obstructions to governance, industry and enterprise. It is wider changes in society and economy that has driven the multiplication in scale and volume of corruption. Containment of this menace to a manageable level to protect our economic growth, social stability and internal security, shall require comprehensive reforms in multiple institutions. There has not been much of a serious thinking in this direction.

One of the senior most retired cops had told me last year in presence of a lawyer friend: “integrity in Indian civil service is a highly expensive luxury that is affordable only for the crusaders willing to lay down their lives.” 

It is important that the entire cost - not the financial alone- of integrity is brought down to make it affordable for all. This is both within and outside civil service. Law and courts are insufficient for this.

I remember many police officers boasting that “right and wrong are irrelevant”. They used to assert that "Indian laws and systems have been designed in a way that anything could be lawfully established against anyone if an IO of police acts smartly." 

I am not sure if unsmart people have taken over now who need to destroyed integrity of both media and courts for this goal of establishing anything against anyone they choose. 

 I have stated in my posts that many of our courts routinely, willfully and knowingly slaughter justice on grounds other than ignorance or incompetence. Even the former Chief Justice of India has conceded the same sentiment in a different language. Yet crusaders do exist even in judiciary and they are the only silver lining in an otherwise decaying system. 

But ordinary citizens in this country appear helpless. Corruption appears fused in our systems, psyche, governance procedures and norms. These make corruption a norm and integrity an exception. 

Yet it is beauty of society that few insane, despite being aware of all the pitfalls of staying honest, prefer to do so almost everywhere but more so in civil service and few even in judiciary. They are mocked, jeered and ridiculed and often contemptuously labelled as “crusaders” or “idealist fools” and yet they persist, persevere and offer hope to society. 

 CORRUPTION:  A THREAT TO NATIONAL SECURITY 

 Corruption is not merely a moral issue. It eats up life blood of a society. From poor infrastructure to poor health of citizens to bad hospitals to municipal dirt to poor schools to weak and dysfunctional criminal justice system to low social trust to sub-optimal growth in both private and public sector, or virtually everything negative in society can be attributed to corruption. It erodes quality of life of an individual and quality of social trust and physical infrastructure and natural environment. In nutshell it weakens the entire society and the nation.   

Corruption kills excellence and innovation in every human endeavour. This is what explains, we are considered largely a society of traders and brokers and not innovators and genuine leaders. 

Corruption is an invisible war against the nation that is slowly eating up our relative strength in a globalised and increasingly unsafe world. And yet we may not feel so as a society. Because a large percentage of our elite have been corrupted and are compelled to keep quite on this issue. 

This is no fault of ordinary people. It is entirely the fault of innovators, thinkers and big stakeholders of society. If a certain small percentage of people are corrupt in a society, probably they are wrong. But when 90-95% or more percentage of elite are perceived to be corrupt, probably the entire systems are flawed.  

No one is perfect in this world. But we as a society can least afford the scourge of corruption given our security threats and governance constraints. We are located in the most difficult regions of the world with most formidable governance challenges. On less than 4% of land mass, 25% of human race lives in South Asia. We do not have much of natural resources like Africa, Central and West Asia or Latin America or Russia and United State. We lack economic, technological, military and governance prowess of China or developmental levels of Europe. 

Additionally, the cancer of xenophobic Islamic radicalism is being relentlessly peddled through a monster named Pakistan. This has already crippled our optimal rise as a nation. Similarly, smarter geopolitical strategies of China have ensured that we can never compete with them or pose any challenge to their political, military and even economic domination  of the region. 

In a globalised world, corruption is the vehicle vide which external forces create support base within any state to cripple their all round prowess. This can be extended to shape even psyche of large majority of population to normalise inefficiency and under development. Corruption provides the primary support base for organised crime, which in turn retards integrity of governance systems. 

We have seen, how an ecosystem of corruption created a situation in a state where personal security guards of a Head of Govt are suspected of facilitating abduction of the entity that they were guarding. If there is a high tolerance to corruption, the networks of corruption shall flourish and expand to eventually subvert and penetrate even the most scared arms of the state and society. This can cripple and crush capacities of any state to even protect itself.   

The response to corruption cannot be imprisonment and jail for each and every accused. No civilised state with developmental aspirations can afford to be converted into police state or the entire country cannot be converted into a prison where our entire elite are incarcerated. Some mega corrupts though need to be sent to jail only to make an example out of them. This rarely happens or shall never be possible in a substantially corrupt state and society.  Our approach should focus more on guarding our citizenry from falling prey to corruption. Primary responsibility of a civilized state is to protect citizens and not create grounds to coerce them. 

Hence, it is more important that we radically restructure our institutions to optimise and encourage genuine wealth creation through enterprise and industry and minimise parasitism in every sector.  We cannot afford a situation where half of our productive population is converted into the accused in corruption and crime and other half is turned into police. This will destroy our entire productive energies as a nation.

We need to create a right culture of integrity and social trust. This is possible only by creating right role models to begin with. Ultimately, we have to reduce the very space and causatives for both need and greed driven corruption. This calls for very high quality of innovations and leadership in Governance. Unfortunately, there seems no hope on horizon.       

I shall write another post to explain why and how a wider ecosystem of corruption in politics, corporate sector and society impact corruption in civil service and how my concept of Indocracy - a fusion of eternal ancient values of India and contemporary Western scientific practices- offers solutions in this direction.

PS: Kindly ignore typos.